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The Reformed Church
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This information is from, Christian Symbolics or Exposition of the Distinctive Characteristic of the Catholic, Lutheran and Reformed Churches as well as the Modern Denominations and Sects represented in this country, By E. H. Klotsche, A. M., Ph.D., D.D. Published by The Lutheran Literary Board(1929), Burlington, Iowa. ©1929 R. Neumann, Burlington, Iowa.

I. General Characteristics

We use the term "Reformed Church" as designating that body of Protestant churches known historically in distinction from the Lutheran Church as the Reformed or Calvinistic Churches. It is allowable to speak of "the Reformed Churches," for the various Reformed bodies in Europe and America are branches of the same family and recognize each other as such. They differ from one another in church discipline and form of worship but they adopt the doctrines of the Reformed system.

Almost contemporaneous with, but rather independent of, the Lutheran movement in Germany was the Zwinglian reformation in Switzerland. Zwingli's reformation differed more than Calvin's from the Lutheran in the doctrine of the sacraments, especially in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Zwingli was also more radical in his reform and departed farther than Calvin from the received traditions in matters of government, discipline and worship. The direct influence of his theology, however, was short lived. The Arminians adopted his doctrine of the Lord's Supper, but it received no symbolical authority in the Reformed Church. Even men like Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, accepted his doctrinal views in a modified form. Calvinism triumphed over Zwinglianism everywhere in Switzerland.

The true founder of the Reformed Church was Calvin. It is true the Reformed theology had its origin in the reformatory movement begun in Switzerland under the leadership of Zwingli, but its fundamental principles received their ultimate form and systematic exposition through Calvin. His theology in its essential points became the adopted doctrine of the Reformed Church.

Calvin's system of theology is laid down in his Institutio religionis christienae, first published in Latin in 1536, then in French, and much enlarged in subsequent editions. The Institutes have remained ever since the standard of orthodox Protestant belief in all the Reformed Churches.

Luther and Caivin have more in common than in distinction. Both agree in the rejection of Roman hierarchism and Pelagianism as well as the recognition of the dogma of the ancient church. There were minor differences in their conception of the doctrine of sin and grace, faith and works, atonement and justification, repentance and sanctification. Calvin differed from Luther particularly in his conception of predestination and the sacraments as also in his aim and method of practical reform.

We shall now first give a brief historical outline of the more important Reformed Confessions. Then we shall discuss the distinctive doctrines and characteristic features of the Reformed Church. This will be followed by a brief account of the various reformed bodies represented in this country.

2. The Reformed Confessions

Of the numerous confessions of the Reformed Church only the more important will be discussed under this heading. E. F. Karl Miiller, in "Die Bekenntnisschriften der reform. Kirche, Leipzig, 1903, counts no less than 58. None of them is so universally accepted as the Augsburg Confession in the Lutheran Church, but with all this variety they are as much agreed in the essential articles of faith as the Lutheran symbols (see Schaff, Creeds, I, 356 f.).

A. The Earlier Reformed Confessions.

The earlier Reformed confessions set forth Zwingli's doctrinal views with important modifications largely due to the influence of Bucer's irenic efforts.

(I) The first confession of the Reformed Church is the Tetrapolitan Cofession (Confessio Tetrapolitana), so called, because the four cities of Upper Germany, Strassburg, Constance, Memmingen and Lindau, presented it to the emperor at the diet of Augsburg, in 1530. It was drawn up by Bucer, with the aid of Capito and Hedio. It consists of 23 articles. The Tetrapolitana agrees in general with the Augsburg Confession but in Art. XVIII presents a view of the Lord's Supper deviating from that of the Augsburg Confession and leaning to that of Zwingli. In Art. XXII the use of images is rejected. The diet declined to receive this confession. In opposition to it the papal divines wrote a confutation full of misrepresentations. In 1531 the four cities adopted the Augsburg Confession to join the Smalcald League, and the Tetrapolitana ceased to be a formally adopted symbol of any branch of the Reformed Church, although it was held in high esteem among the churches of Switzerland. Today it has little more than historical significance.

(2) Zwingli's own Confession of faith which was presented to the emperor at Augsburg, shortly after the Lutheran princes had presented their confession, suffered the same fate as the Tetrapolitana. It has remained a private document without symbolical authority.

(3) The First Confession of Basle (Confessio Fidei Basileensis prior) is a brief and simple creed occupying an intermediate position between Luther and Zwingli. It was drawn up by Oswald Myconius, in 1532, on the basis of a briefer formula prepared by Oecolampadius, and contains ra articles. It was published by the magistrate of Basle in 1534 and adopted and issued in 1537 by the confederated city of Mülhausen, hence also called Mylhusiana. In 1826 it was made binding on the clergy. It has remained the official symbol of the church of Basle to this day.

(4) The first Reformed creed of national authority is the First Helvetic Confession (Confessio Helvetica prior), drawn up by the Swiss divines, Bullinger, Myconius, Grynaeus, Leo Judae, and Grossmann, at Basle in I536. It is therefore also called the Second Confession of Basle (Basileensis posterior). It was composed with a view (a) to a union with the Lutherans of Germany, and (b) to its presentation at a proposed general council. It consists of 27 articles. Art. XXII sets forth the characteristic Zwinglian view of the sacraments especially of the Lord's Supper. The original was in Latin. A German translation was prepared by Leo Judae. The Confession was subscribed, March 27, 1536, by the clerical and lay delegates of seven cantons of Switzerland.

B. The Later Reformed Confessions.

The later Reformed confessions were drawn up, more or less, under the controlling influence of the spirit of Calvin.

(1) In order "to restore the catechetical instruction of the ancient church" Calvin prepared a catechism in the French language, at Geneva in 1536, the so-called Geneva Catechism or Catechismus Genevensis. It presents a brief summary of the Christian religion. In a new edition of 1541 he arranged the material in guestions and answers. The Catechism was used for a long time in the churches and schools of French Switzerland, France and Scotland, but as a symbol it possessed only secondary authority.

(2) The Consensus of Zürich or Consensus Tigurinus was drawn up by Calvin in 1549 and adopted by the churches of Zürich, Geneva, Neuchatel, Schaffhausen, St. Gall and Basle. It was published at Zürich and Geneva, in 1551. In 26 articles it treats of the Lord's Supper. The united views of Calvin and Bullinger on the Lord's Supper are herein set forth, that is, the Zwinglian type is combined with the Calvinistic. The words of the institution are to be taken figuratively, and yet the Lord's Supper is not a mere symbol, but with the symbol "the elect" receive Christ with all spiritual gifts.

(3) Calvin's doctrine of predestination was attacked, in 1543, by Albertus Pighius, a Dutch Roman Catholic controversialist, who taught the freedom of the will in the Semipelagian sense and predestination conditioned by foreknowledge, and, in 1551, by Jerome Bolsec, formerly a Carmelite monk, then Protestant and physician near Geneva, who objected to Calvin's doctrine of predestination as unscriptural and blasphemous. In consequence of these attacks Calvin composed the Consensus Genevensis, in which he defended and more distinctly set forth his doctrine of predestination. The Consensus appeared in Geneva, in 1552, in the name of the pastors of that city. It is a polemic treatise rather than a confession and was of official authority only in the Genevan church.

(4) The Reformed Church in France had been without an official symbol. But when in Poitiers, in 1559, a dispute over the doctrine of predestination broke out the need of a common symbol was strongly felt by the pastors of that city, who were unable to settle the difficulties. A common confession of faith drawn up under the influence of Calvin was adopted by the first national synod of the Protestant Church of France at Paris, in 1559. At the colloquy of Poissy, in 1561, Beta presented this confession to Charles IX. It was at this colloquy that the distinctive title "The Reformed Church" originated. The confession was soon published as Confessio Gallicana or French Confession of Faith. It is also known as the Confession of Rochelle, because it was later enlarged and ratified at the seventh national synod held at La Rochelle, 1571. In 40 articles the Confession presents a summary of the doctrines of Calvin. It is the adopted symbol of the French Protestant Church.

(5) In 1561 Guide de Brès, an evangelist and martyr of the Reformed Church of the Netherlands, drew up a private confession of 37 articles thoroughly Calvinistic. It was revised by Francis Junius of Bourges, and published in the French language in 1562 and afterwards translated into Dutch, German and English. Following the order of the Gallican Confession it presents the symbolical statement of the Calvinistic system of doctrine. The confession known as the Confessio Belgica was adopted by the entire Church of the Netherlands and publicly approved by the synod of Dort, at the 144th session, 1619. Together with the Heidelberg Catechism it is the official symbol of the Reformed churches of Belgium and the Netherlands and of the (Dutch) Reformed Church in America.

(6) The Confessio Hungarica or Czengerina was drawn up and adopted by a Hungarian Reformed synod held at Czenger in 1557 or 1558. It was occasioned by the anti-Trinitarian controversies and the controversy on the Lord's Supper. Accordingly it rejects the anti-Trinitarian and Socinian teaching and strongly opposes the Romish transubstantiation and the Lutheran "sarcophagia"; it is silent about Calvin's double predestination. The Confession was soon thrown into the shade by the Second Helvetic Confession and the Heidelberg Catechism which became the confessional standards of the Reformed Church in Hungary and Austria.
    The aforementioned confessions were drawn up, more or less, under the influence or supervision of Calvin. In the following confessions Calvin's influence is more or less limited.

(7) Frederick III., Elector of the Palatinate, professed the Reformed creed as distinct from the Lutheran and made it his chief object to carry out the reformation begun by his predecessors. In order to give the Reformed party a definite and established organization he commissioned, in 1561, Caspar Olevianus, professor and preacher in Heidelberg, and Zacharias Ursinus, who had studied under Melanchthon, to draw up a new church order and to compose a catechism. In 1562 the new catechism was laid before superintendents and ministers, assembled at Heidelberg, for revision and approval. In the following year it was published in German, in the name of the Elector, as the doctrine of the Palatinate, under the title "Catechismus, Oder Christlicher Unterricht, wie der in Kirchen und Schulen der Churfürstlichen Pfalz getrieben wird." In the second official edition, which was published a few weeks later, there was added a new question, the eightieth, concerning the difference between the Lord's Supper and the Romish mass. The third edition of the same year contains the condemnatory words in regard to the adoration of the host: "the mass at bottom is nothing else than a denial of the one sacrifice and passion of Jesus Christ and an accursed idolatry"--"eine vermaledeite Abgötterei." The fourth edition of 1563, which is essentially identical with the third, is to be regarded as the textus receptus.

The Synod of Dort, in 1619, officially declared the Heidelberg Catechism one of the general symbolical books of the Reformed Church. It has been translated into all European and many Asiatic languages. The Dutch and German Reformed Churches in America accepted it as their symbol. The General Assembly of the reunited Presbyterian Church, at Philadelphia in 1870, officially authorized the use of the Catechism in the churches if they desire to employ it in the instruction of their children. The (German) Evangelical Synod of North America uses the Heidelberg Catechism besides the Augsburg Confession and Luther's Catechism.

The Heidelberg Catechism presents a milder type of Calvinism than the other Reformed confessions; it says nothing of limited atonement, of a double predestination or eternal decree of reprobation. It contains 129 questions and answers divided into the 52 Sundays of the year for the purpose of the catechetical afternoon sermons. In its arrangement the Heidelberg Catechism does not retain the traditional order of the five articles of faith but following the order of the Epistle to the Romans presents in. three parts an organic doctrinal system. After two introductory questions the first part (quest. 3-II) treats of man's misery (Rom. 1:18-3:20); the second (quest. 12-85), of man's redemption (Rom. 3:21-II: 36);the third (quest. 86-129), of thankfulness, i. e., the new life of the Christian which he lives in gratitude for mercies received (Rom. 12 to 16).

(8) Frederick III., Elector of the Palatinate, who had seceded from the Lutheran and joined the Reformed Church, was, for this reason, threatened by the Lutherans with exclusion from the benefits of the religious peace of Augsburg, which were confined to the adherents of the Augsburg Confession. He, therefore, requested Bullinger to prepare an expression of the Reformed faith showing that it differs in no point from the apostolic doctrine. Bullinger sent him a copy of a confession which he had composed for his own use, in 1562, and which, in 1564, during the plague, he had revised and elaborated and added to his will to be presented, in case of his death, to the magistrate of Zürich, as an abiding testimony of his faith. It pleased the Elector so much that he had it translated and published in Latin and German. It is known as the Second Helvetic Confession, or, Confessio Helvetica posterior. At the same time the Confession gained a favorable hold on the Swiss churches. It was adopted not only in the Palatinate and Switzerland, but also in Scotland (1566), Hungary (1567), France (1571), and Poland (1578). It was held in high esteem in Holland and England. Next to the Heidelberg Catechism it is the most widely adopted Confession of the Reformed Church.

In the order of topics following the First Helvetic Confession it states in detail, in 30 chapters, the articles of faith and discipline that then concerned the church: I-II, Scripture; II-V, God and worship; VI-VII, providence and creation; VIII-XI, the fall, and preparation of salvation; XII-XVI, appropriation of salvation and new life; XVII-XXI, church, minister, sacraments; XXII-XXVIII, church rites and usages, festivals, church property; XXIX, celibacy and marriage; XXX, magistrate.--The Confession harmonizes the German and the French Swiss, the Zürich and Genevan theology, but with all its elasticity it expresses the peculiarly Reformed conception of Christianity.

(9) The Scotch Confession of Faith (Confessio Scoticana) was constructed by John Knox and five associates appointed by the Scotch Parliament, in 1560. It was introduced throughout Scotland by state enactment. Though tending in a marked manner towards Calvin's doctrine it presents in the sacramental dogma and in that of predestination a mild form of Calvinism, but is more pronounced in its opposition to the Roman Catholic Church than most of the other Reformed confessions of the 16th century.

(10) The Anglican Confession or Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England, and

(11) the Irish Articles of Religion, will be treated under "Anglican Communion." (Web Master note: see foot note "A")

(12) The Canons of the Synod of Dort present orthodox CaIvinism over against Arminianism. Jacobus Arminius (d, at Leyden, 1609) rejected the strict Calvinistic view of predestination and advocated universal redemption. His followers, notably Episcopius and Uytenbogaart, formulated their doctrine and set it forth in the five articles of the Remonstrance, in 1610, addressed to the states of Holland and West Friesland. A counter-remonstrance sharply condemned the view of the Remonstrants. To settle the dispute the National Synod of Dort was convened by the states-general; it met November 13, 1618, and adjourned May 9, 1619. Foreign countries had been invited to participate, and delegates were present from the Palatinate, Nassau, Hesse, East Friesland, Bremen, Emden, German Switzerland, Geneva, England and Scotland. It was the largest and, next to the Westminster Assembly, the most imposing of all synods of the Reformed Churches.

The synod condemned the five articles of the Remonstrance and expressed its final decision in the form of canons which define the five points of Calvinism over against Arminianism: (I) absolute predestination; (z) limited atonement; (3) total depravity and absolute inability of man; (4) irresistible grace; and (5) perseverance of the saints.

The Canons of Dort were established by law as the official doctrine of the state church of the Netherlands, They were also officially indorsed by the Reformed Church of France and received with respectful consideration --though not adopted -- in Switzerland, the Palatinate, and by the Puritans. The English Episcopal Church, however, rejected them. The Reformed Dutch Church in America recognizes them as a public standard of doctrine.

(13) The Formula Consentsus Helvetica was called out by a modified form of Calvinism held by the school of Saumur, notably by Moses Amyraldus. He taught that God wills all men to be saved, on condition that they repent and believe (hypothetical universalism);and if all should repent and believe no purpose of God would stand in the way of their salvation. But owing to inherited corruption, they stubbornly reject, so that this universal will for salvation actually saves none. Salvation depends upon the divine election. The elect will be saved as inevitably as the others will be damned. The Helvetic Consensus, composed by Professor John Henry Heidegger Zürich, in 1675, rejects Amyraldus' view, condemns universal atonement and the doctrine that God desires the salvation of all, and teaches the strictest particularism in the election.

The Helvetic Consensus was introduced in the Reformed Church of Switzerland and officially adopted by several of the cantons. Its authority was confined, however, to Switzerland, and even there, about the beginning of the 18th century it gradually lost its symbolical importance.

(14) The Westminster Confession1 was framed by the Westminster Assembly, a synod consisting chiefly of divines, hence called Assembly of Divines, which by act of Parliament met in Westminster Abby, July 1, 1613, with the purpose of settling the government, liturgy and doctrine of the Church of England. It held 1163 regular sessions till February 22, 1649.

The Westminster Assembly began with a. revision of the Thirty-nine Articles, but the work was suspended by an order of Parliament, October 12, 1643, requiring the Assembly "to confer and treat" of church government and discipline. There at once serious differences arose among the members of the Assembly which contained representatives of the Presbyterian, the Episcopalian and Independent parties. The Episcopalians soon ceased to attend the Assembly. The Independents were few in number. The Presbyterians were preponderant and gained in strength.

The Confession of Faith constructed by the Assembly is strictly Calvinistic in doctrine and anti-episcopal in government. It emphasizes the sole authority of the Scriptures, the sovereignty of God, the rights of conscience, and the sole jurisdiction of the church within its own domain.

In 33 chapters the Confession sets forth all the leading articles of the Christian faith: I, of the holy Scripture; II, of God, and the Holy Trinity; III, of God's eternal decree; IV, of creation; V, of providence; VI, of the fall of man, of sin, and of the punishment thereof; VII, of God's covenant with man; VIII, of Christ the Mediator; IX, of free will; X, of effectual calling; XI, of justification; XII, of adoption; XIII, of sanctification; XIV, of saving faith; XV, of repentance unto life; XVI, of good works; XVII, of the perseverance of the saints; XVIII, of the assurance of grace and salvation; XIX, of the law of God; XX, of Christian liberty, and liberty of conscience; XXI, of religious worship and the Sabbath Day; XXII, of lawful oaths and vows; XXIII, of the civil magistrate; XXIV, of marriage and divorce; XXV, of the Church; XXVI, of the communion of saints; XXVII, of the sacraments; XXVIII, of baptism; XXIX, of the Lord's Supper; XXX, of Church censures; XXXI, of synods and councils; XXXII, of the state of man after death and of the resurrection of the dead; XXIII, of the last judgment.

The Westminster Confession of Faith was adopted by the Scottish Parliament in 1649, while the English Parliament adopted it with some changes, in 1648. In Scotland, where it took the place of the Confessio Scoticana, its influence has lasted to the present day. In England it was modified under Cromwell, and the Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine Articles were restored. The Presbyterian Church of England, organized in 1876, has, of course, no historical relation to the Westminster Assembly.

(15) The Westminster Assembly framed, besides the Confession of Faith, the Larger Catechism and the Shorter Catechism, the Directory of Public Worship, and the Directory of Church Polity and Discipline, collectively called the Westminster Standards though the name is usually used for the .Westminster Confession and Catechisms only. The Presbyterian churches throughout the world have adopted, though with modifications, the standards of the Westminster Assembly.

(16) The Brandenburg Confessions or Confessiones Marchicae present a mild Calvinistic type, and had certain symbolical authority in Brandenburg till 1817, when under Frederick William III. the Lutheran and Reformed Churches of Prussia were united.

(a) They are (a) the Confessio Sigismundi, the confession of the Elector of Brandenburg, John Sigismund who had abandoned the Lutheran for the Reformed Church. It was his own confession of faith, moderate, conciliating and brief, touching only the points of controversy; it was published in 1614.

(b) Colloquium Lipsiense, i. e., the declarations of the theologians who took part in the Leipzig Colloquy, 1631. The protocol of the declarations of the Reformed theologians received symbolic authority in Brandenburg through the Elector Christian Will
(c) Declaratio Thoruniensis. At a conference at Thorn, 1645, which was held to prevent religious strife between Roman Catholics, Lutherans and Reformed, the Reformed theologians presented their generalis professio and the specialis declaratio in which were set forth their view both in their agreement with, and in their departure from, the creeds of Catholics and Lutherans. It was published in Berlin, 1646.

(17) The Bohemian Brethren, Unitas Fratrum, before and after the Reformation period, had numerous confessions of faith, in the Latin, Bohemian and German languages. The Bohemian Catechism of 1521, probably the work of Lucas of Prague, bears a striking resemblance both in form and substance to the Waldensian Catechism of 1489. This catechism, however, and all other symbols of the Bohemian Brethren were superseded by the following confessions:

(a) The First Bohemian Confession was drawn up, probably, by Johann Augusta, Senior of the Brethren, in agreement with the Augsburg Confession in order to defend their ecclesiastical union. It was signed by all members of the nobility belonging to the Unitas and laid before King Ferdinand at Vienna, 1535. After a few changes in the articles on celibacy and justification had been made Luther had it printed at Wittenberg with a eulogistic preface.
(b) The Second Bohemian Confession, prepared by Paul Pressius and M. Krispin, was adopted by the diet of Prague, in 1575, and presented to Maximilian, in the same year, as the union symbol of the Utraquists, Lutherans, Calvinists and Bohemian Brethren. It is in agreement with the First Bohemian Confession except in the article on the Lord's Supper, which is in harmony with the later Melanchthonian view.

(18) The only important symbol of the evangelical churches in Poland is the Consensus of Sendomir or Consensus Sendomariensis. It is an agreement drawn up between the three dissenting parties, the Lutheran, the Calvinists and the Bohemian Brethren at Sendomir, in 1570. The Consensus is silent on the doctrine of predestination. In the doctrine of the Lord's Supper it adopts the later Melanchthonian or Calvinistic view. The Consensus was confirmed by several Polish synods. But the Lutherans, who, in the Formula, of Concord, proscribed Philippism, withdrew from the Consensus.

3. Rule and Standards of Faith

    The Reformed Church, like the Lutheran, regards its confessions as testimonies of its faith. The Formula Consensus Helvetica and the conclusion of the Canons of Dort name the Reformed confessions in conjunction with the Scriptures. However, the Reformed Church does not give its confessions that prominence, which the Lutheran Church accords them as historical monuments and testimonies of divine truth. The Lutheran Church, owing to its conservative character, duly values the historical development of Christian doctrine and the intellectual labors in the past by which the faith and doctrinal thinking of the present are conditioned, and consequently assures itself of its essential harmony with the past. The Reformed Church, owing to its rigid Biblicism and more radical spirit and tendency, departs further from the authority of ecclesiastical traditions than the Lutheran and rigidly adheres to the divine Word without reference to what has been done toward its elucidation in the past. A Lutheran welcomes and loves those testimonies of faith that have come down from the past and wishes, as the Formula of Concord puts it, "that the unanimous understanding and judgment concerning the controverted articles" as laid down in the confessions might remain "not only for those now living, but also for our posterity" (857) (see Walther, Symb., p. 346).
    Over against the Catholic position the Reformed Confessions, like the Lutheran, assert that the Scriptures are the sole and complete source and norm of divine truth. "The Supreme Judge, by which all controversies of religion are to be determined ... can be no other but the Holy Spirit speaking in the Scripture" (W. C., ch. I, Io; also II Helv., II, 4; C. Sc., Art. XVIII). The confessions reject every authority coördinate with that of Holy Scripture (C. Sc., XX; also Inst., IV, 9, 13). The infallible rule of interpretation of Scripture is Scripture itself (W. C., I, 9).
    Because God is sovereign his Word is the supreme law. The Scripture being the divine rule of everything in matters of faith and practice demands unconditional obedience on our part. The Bible as preëminently a divine law code each paragraph of which is equally binding on all men everywhere and at all times. It is, therefore, "not now left to faithful ministers to frame any new doctrine, but it behooves them simply to adhere to the doctrine to which God has made all subject, without any exception" (Inst. IV, 8, g). For the Scripture is the rule of all truth containing all that is necessary for the service of God and for our salvation (C. G., V; W. C., I, 4), and in them nothing is taught which is not beneficial to know (Inst., III, 21, 3). Accordingly fanatics or enthusiasts, who discard the Scripture under the pretence of resorting to immediate revelations, are to be rejected (ib. I, 9); "unto the Scripture nothing at any time is to be added, whether by new revelations of the Spirit or traditions of men" (W. C., I, 6; C. G., V). Since the Scripture contains "the whole counsel of God, concerning all things necessary for His own glory, man's salvation, faith and life" (W, C., ib.), and since it is our duty to embrace "with gentle docility and without any exception all that is delivered in the sacred Scriptures" (Inst., I, 18, 4) it follows that one cannot ascribe to the several books of the Bible nor even to the two testaments different degrees of doctrinal values (see Luther's view, p. 150). Each book is part and parcel of the one infallible rule of faith and practice. Calvin describes the meaning and significance of the old covenant as being exactly the same as that of the new. " ... all those persons from beginning of the world whom God has adopted into the of his people, have been federally connected with him same law and the same doctrine which are in force among us. The covenant of all the fathers is so far from differing substantially from ours, that it is the very same; it only varies administration" (Inst., II, to, I and 2). "There are not covenants of grace differing in substance, but one and the under various dispensations" (W. C., VII, 6).
    The Scriptures are the oracles of God, for their writer "under the guidance and dictation of the Holy Spirit" were his sure and authentic amanuenses (Inst., IV, 8, 89). The Bohemian Confession (Art. I) and the Hungarian Confession emphatically state that the Scriptures of the Old and New testament were dictated by God. The Westminster. Confession calls"the Author" of the Scripture (I, 4); referring to the canonical books the Confession says that "all are given by inspiration. God, to be the rule of faith and life" (I, 2).
    The theory of inspiration as a verbal dictation by the Spirit was pushed to its extreme consequences by the Buxtorfs, father and son, at Basle, who asserted the inspiration of even Hebrew vowels, and by Gisbert Voet at Utrecht, who made the same claim for the punctuation. Louis Cappel (d. 1652) professor in the theological academy at Saumur, opposed the mechanical theory of inspiration and disproved the traditional view of the literal integrity and sacredness of the Masoretic text showing that the Hebrew system of vocalization was of late origin dating from the Jewish grammarians after the completion of the Babylonian Talmud (5th century A. D.). The Helvetic Consensus Formula of 1675, however, affirmed the literal inspiration of the Scriptures and the integrity of the traditional Hebrew text of the Old Testament, including the vowels as well consonants (Art. I, II, III).
    How do we know that the Holy Spirit is the author Scripture? On what grounds do we accept the Scripture divinely inspired? Certainly not on the authority of an infallible church. Calvin had broken with this ancient authoritative system. There was for him no way to escape the necessity of restating some new basis of authority. The conviction that the Scripture was dictated and inspired by the Holy Spirit, says Calvin, is confirmed by the internal testimony of the Holy Spirit (Inst., I, 7, 5). Although the Scripture is the work of the Spirit we cannot know and recognize it as such, unless the Spirit persuades us of the divinity of the Scripture (I,9,3). The testimony of the Spirit is therefore necessary to confirm the Scripture in order to the complete establishment of its authority. This Spirit is not given to all, but only to the elect. Accordingly the testimony of the Holy Spirit "cannot be made use of for the conviction and conversion of others; for it is experienced only by the faithful, in whom the Spirit dwells; and therefore he would be acting ridiculously, who should think to persuade others that the Scripture is divine, because he himself has been taught this by the Holy Spirit" (P. 41).
    After this certainty of the divine origin of the Scripture has been established in our minds, rational proofs to confirm our belief of the Scripture have their proper place and are of great value (Inst. I, 8, I). "Reason is the instrument which the believer uses in examining the objects of faith by the Scripture, as by the infallible rule of truth, but it is not the rule itself of these objects of faith ... reason and faith, though of a different nature, are not opposed to each other. Hence we maintain that we must not admit anything, even in religious matters, which is contrary to right reason" (P., 59).
    Since according to the Biblicism of the Reformed theology the Bible is word for word an authoritative law code in all matters of faith and practice it becomes necessary precisely to determine what belongs to this authoritative rule and what not. The Reformed Confessions, therefore, as a rule, determine the extent of the canon, and some even enumerate the Biblical books, e. g., the Gallican, Belgian and Westminster Confessions, the Irish Articles of Religion, the Confession of the Cumberland Presb. Church, the Confession of the Calvinistic Methodist Church. Some of them, as the Westminster. and Gallican Confessions, do not assign Hebrews to Paul.
    The Reformed Church, like the Lutheran, regards the Apocrypha as noncanonical, but usually passes a stricter sentence upon them. "The books commonly called Apocrypha, not being of divine inspiration, are no part of the canon of the Scripture; and therefore are no authority in the Church of God, nor to be any otherwise approved or made use of, than other human writings" (W. C., I, 3). Since 1825, after a sharp controversy, the Apocrypha were excluded from the editions of the British and Foreign Bible Society.

4. God

    In full accord with the ecumenical symbols the Reformed confessions assert that God exists one in essence and three b persons. "There are three persons in the Godhead; the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; and these three are one God, the same in substance, equal in power and glory" (Sh. C., q. 6).
    The dominant thought in Calvin's doctrinal system is the infinite and transcendent sovereignty of God. God is the Lord who rules omnipotently (I., 16). Calvin's concept of the sovereignty of God, and Luther's concept of God's love in Christ Jesus, are vitally related to the practical life of the believer. "In the one case, we have acts of compulsion even in the heart, subjection, law, service; in the other, inward conquest by the power of love, free self-surrender, filial love without compulsion. The one does not necessarily exclude the other; but the tone and emphasis give rise to the differences which undeniably exist. From the practical energy of the Reformed ideals--with which praxis has not always been able to keep pace--the Lutheran Church may learn a valuable lesson. But when, in any age of evangelical Christianity, faith grows dim, and love grows old, and it seems as though the gospel were no longer sufficient to satisfy the advanced spirit of the "modern" world, then will deliverance be found, not in the views of Calvin, but in return to the Gospel: and faith of Luther. Evangelical Christianity has yet much to learn from her Luther" (Seeberg, Hist. of Doctr., vol. II, 416 f.).
    In Protestant thought and life of today we note a deplorable lack of Calvin's reverence for the majestic and sovereign God. "It would do much of modern Protestant thinking and preaching some good if that attribute of the divine character received more emphasis. There is such a thing as bringing God so close to the human level as to lose all reverence for Him. We have heard of sermons and prayers that were shockingly familiar and irreverent. Calvin would rise from his grave if he were in a position to know how little the majesty and sovereignty of God count in the teaching and preaching of today. He would be shocked to find how the love of God is exalted to the virtual denial of His holiness and justice" (Lutheran, July 28, 1927, p. 14).
    God is the author and director of all things. The will of God is the cause of all events. Even the actions of the wicked must be referred to the determination of the divine will. All things minister to the glory of God (Inst., II, 18; C. G., VIII; II Helv., VI). "All things in heaven and earth, visible and invisible, have been created, are preserved, ruled and guided by his inscrutable providence to such end as his eternal wisdom, goodness and justice have appointed them, to the manifestation of his own glory" (C. Sc., I). The holy angels "having been preserved by the grace of God, are ministers to glorify God's name and promote the salvation of his elect" (C. G., VII). Man was created "to the end that he may serve his God" (C. B., XII). Even if the Westminster Catechism says that "man's chief end is to glorify God and to enjoy him forever" (q. I) it means that man's chief end is God's glory and that man can be happy only as he glorifies God. "Not to increase his excellence or blessedness did God create the world, but to manifest his glory outside of his own being. The chief end for which we and all things exist is, therefore, not first of all our happiness, but God's honor. Our happiness and welfare are gained, however, when God's purpose is reached. God's glory and man's welfare are inseparable" (B., 65).
    Even the election of some and the reprobation of others redound to the glory of God. "The great and only object of our election is, that we should be to the praise of divine grace" (Inst., III, 22, 3); "the reprobate are raised up for this purpose, that the glory of God may be displayed by their means" (ib. 11). "All things being ordained for the manifestation of his glory, and his glory being to appear both in the works of his mercy and of his justice, it seemed good to his heavenly wisdom to choose out a certain number towards whom he would extend his undeserved mercy, leaving the rest to be spectacles of his justice" (Ir. Art. XIV; also W. C. III, 7). "God determined the fall of the first man only because he foresaw it would tend to the just illustration of the glory of his name" (Inst. III, 23, 8).
    The Reformed theologians maintain that God's providence according to which he ordains, rules and governs the minutest detail does nevertheless not destroy the freedom and responsibility of man. But if all things happen because God wills and ordains them, is there any room for man's liberty and responsibility! Calvin attempts to explain the difficulty by distinguishing between necessity which is "in some measure voluntary," and external coercion. Man having been corrupted by his fall, sins voluntarily ... with the strongest propensity of disposition, not with violent coercion; with the bias of his own passions, and not with external compulsion...Thus the soul, in a certain strange and evil manner, under this kind of voluntary and free yet pernicious necessity, is both enslaved and free; enslaved by necessity, free by its will; and what is more wonderful and more miserable, it is guilty, because free" (II, 3, 5). Bosma attempts a similar explanation. "God rules us," he says, "but he does not force our will or control our lives contrary to our nature, but within our soul God by suggestion and persuasion influences us in such a way that we voluntarily do as he wills" (82).
    It is further maintained that althoughGod has created all things and "rules and governs them, according to his holy will, so that nothing happens in this world without his appointment, nevertheless God neither is the author of, nor can be charged with, the sins which are committed" (C. B., XIII; C. G., VIII). Calvin, however, objects the idea that God merely permits the reprobate to be blinded by Satan and maintains that God's providence "not only exerts its power in the elect, who are influenced by the Holy Spirit, but also compels the compliance of the reprobate" (I, 18, 2; also II, 4, 3). God even determined the fall of the first man (III, 23, 8). "Man falls according to the appointment of Divine Providence," says Calvin, but in order not to represent God as compelling a reluctant person to commit sin, he adds immediately "but he falls by his own fault" (ib.). This is the so-called supralapsarian view, (from supra--above; lapsus-the fall). The supralapsarians place the decree of predestination "above" or before that of the fall, that is, the objects of predestination are viewed as not yet fallen. According to the supra-view the order of decrees is as follows: (I) the decree to elect of all possible men some to salvation and others to damnation, for the end of his own glory. Then follow as a means to that end (2) the decree to create those already elected or reprobated; (3) the decree to permit the whole race to fall; (4) the decree to provide salvation for the elect. The infralapsarians (from infra--below; lapsus--the fall) place the decree of predestination "below" or after that of the fall, that is, the objects of predestination are viewed as fallen. According to the infra-view the order of decrees is as follows: (I) the decree to create man; (2) the decree to permit man to fall; (3) the decree to elect out of fallen humanity some to eternal life, and to leave the other to the just consequences of their sins; (4) to provide salvation for the elect. The doctrinal standards of the Reformed Church, except the Consensus Genevensis (N., 299), and the Formula Consensus Helvetica (Art. IV-VI), either leave the question undecided whether infra- or supra-lapsarianism is the correct view, or support the infralapsarian interpretation. The synod of Utrecht, 1905, expressed the position of the Reformed Churches of the Netherlands as follows: "there is no right on the one hand to present the supralapsarian view as being properly the doctrine of the Reformed Churches of the Netherlands, nor on the other hand to annoy anyone who has accepted the supralapsarian interpretation for himself." The synod concludes this decree with "the warning to bring such profound doctrines, which are beyond comprehension of plain people on the pulpit as little as possible, and to adhere to the presentation given in our doctrinal standards in the preaching of the Word and in catechetical instruction" (H., 52). The Heidelberg Catechism ignores the question altogether and speaks of the providence of God only in its relation to God's creation "that herbs and grass, rain and drought, fruitful and barren years, meat and drink, health and sickness, riches and poverty, yea all things, come not by chance but by his fatherly hand" (q. 27).
    Providence in its relation to the eternal destiny of mankind is known as predestination. Calvin defines it as a twofold decree, a decree of election and a decree of reprobation. "Predestination we call the eternal decree of God, by which he has determined in himself, what he would have to become of every individual of mankind. For they are not all created with a similar destiny; but eternal life is foreordained for some, and eternal damnation for others" (Inst., III, 21, 5). The ground of election is not the foreseen faith of the persons elected, but the sovereign good pleasure of God. The ground of reprobation is not the foreseen sin in the reprobate, but the just, but unknown, will of God. "We affirm that this counsel, as far as concerns the elect, is founded on his gratuitous mercy, totally irrespective of human merits; but that to those whom he devotes to condemnation, the gate of life is closed by a just and irreprehensible, but incomprehensible, judgment" (ib. 7). The end and object of God's predestination is the honor and glory of His name (ib. 3).
    There has also been an election of some angels (I Tim. 5:zI) and a reprobation of others (Matt. 25:41), and the reason why some were chosen and others rejected was in the sovereign will of God. The Westinster. Confession fully states the Calvinistic doctrine of predestination: "By the decree of God, for the manifestation of his glory, some men and angels are predestinated unto everlasting life, and others foreordained to everlasting death" (III, 3)..."and their number is so certain and definite that it cannot be either increased or diminished" (ib. 4) ... "according to his eternal and immutable purpose, and the secret counsel and good pleasure of his will," God "hath chosen in Christ unto everlasting glory, out of his mere free grace and love, without any foresight of faith or good works, or perseverance in either of them, or any other thing in the creature, as conditions, or causes moving him thereunto; and all to the praise of his glorious grace (ib. 5)..."Neither are any other redeemed by Christ, effectually called, justified, adopted, sanctified, and saved, but the elect alone" (ib. 6). Their salvation is so absolutely certain that even "elect infants, dying in infancy, are regenerated and saved by Christ through the Spirit, who worketh when, and where, and how he pleaseth. So also are all other elect persons, who are incapable of being outwardly called by the ministry of the Word" (ib. X, 3). In 1913 the American Presbyterians adopted as an explanation of this last passage the following declaration: "We believe that all who die in infancy are included in the election of grace." The Confession of the Cumberland Presbyterians has changed the word "elect" infants to "all" infants. The Confessio Sigismundi states that the pretemporal election is the cause of our salvation, but denies "that God does not desire to have all saved" (N., 650) In the Heidelberg Catechism predestination is not expressly treated. Questions 53 and 54, however, maintain for the believer the inamissibility of the gift of the Holy Spirit. The Gallican Confession does not speak of a double predestination. It states only that out of the corruption and general condemnation in which all men are plunged God has chosen some, "leaving the rest in this same corruption and condemnation to show in them his justice" (XII). The Canons of Dort (c. I) present the Calvinistic predestination in its unadulterated form though in a decidedly infralapsarian manner. The Formula Consensus Helvetica, however, condemns universal atonement and the doctrine that God desires the salvation of all, and teaches the strictest particularism in the election (Art. XIII, XVI, XIX).
    The controlling idea of the Calvinistic system, that of the sovereignty of God, leaves no room for mediators whom God himself has not chosen or ordained. To worship them is to deprive God of his honor and glory which belongs to him alone. The same is true of image worship. It is held that Ex. 20:4, 5 does not only forbid the worship of images, but also the imaging of God. The Heidelberg Catechism says that God requires in the second commandment "that we in nowise make any images of God, nor worship him in any other way than he has commanded in his Word" (q. 96). "God may not and can not be imaged in any way" (q. 97). "Christ indeed did take upon himself a visible human nature, but not for the purpose of serving as a model for makers of statues and images" (II Helv., IV, 2). Nor should pictures be tolerated in churches even though many regard them "as books for the laity; for we should not be wiser than God, who will not have his people taught by dumb idols, but by the lively preaching of his Word" (H. C., q. 98). "All knowledge of God sought from images is corrupt and fallacious" (Inst. I, 11, 5). In obedience to the commandment Ex. 2:4, 5 "the Reformed Churches have removed from the church buildings which were allotted to them after the Reformation, all images and paintings and other sensuous elements which were destined for use in worship and to enhance its beauty and solemnity. It was also in obedience to this command that they instituted simple services, though that there would be no danger of arousing sensuous feelings which have no religious value, and to which such value can so easily be attached. Thus the old Reformed Churches not only abolished the beautiful choir music, but did not even wish that the organ should be used to lead in the singing. In this last point we do not agree with them; but let us not forget, that to call in, for the benefit of the service, all manner of sensuous elements, even moving pictures, as is done at present in not a few Churches, is a sign of spiritual and religious anaemia" (H., 302).

5. Christ

(a) Christ's Person.
    In agreement with the ancient creeds, particularly the Chalcedonian, the Reformed Church states that in Christ there is but one person, and this one person has two natures which exist "without mixture, without change, without division, and without separation" (Creed of Chalcedon),... "two whole, perfect, and distinct natures, the Godhead and the manhood, were inseparably joined together in one person, without conversion, composition, or confusion. Which person is very God and very man, yet one Christ, the only mediator between God and man" (W. C., VIII, 2; C. G., XV; C. B., XIX).
    As to the mutual relation of the two natures in Christ there is disagreement between the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches. The controversy arose in the sacramental contention between Luther and Zwingli. Luther explained the ubiquity of the body of Christ on the ground of the personal union of the two natures. This personal union involves a communion of properties (communicatio idiomatzcm) of one nature to the other, or to the whole person (see p. 185 f.). Zwingli and the Reformed Church deny this. Starting from the proposition finitum non est capax infiniti, the finite cannot take up the infinite, Zwingli carefully discriminated Christ's two natures in the state of humiliation as well as in the state of exaltation. The one nature does not participate in the life and experience of the other. If the Bible attributes properties of one nature to the other or to the entire person this must be explained by the way of Alloeosis, i. e., a rhetorical exchange of one part for another. Explaining John 12:32, "And I, if I shall be lifted up from the earth, will draw all men unto me," Zwingli refers the first clause of this passage to the human nature, the second, to the divine nature of Christ (see Zwingli's Fidei ratio and Fidei expositio).
    Calvin's Christology does not essentially differ from that of Zwingli. He repudiates the idea that "the Word of God was confined within the narrow prison of an earthly body," and goes even so far as to say, "the Son of God miraculously descended from heaven, yet in such a manner that he never left heaven" (Inst., II, 13, 4). Speaking of Christ's agony in Gethsemane Calvin says, "We see that what was contrary to his will as man, was agreeable to his will as God" (ib. 16, 12). The Heidelberg Catechism (q. 33) states that Christ only in his human nature, that is in soul and body, suffered for us. "His Godhead, by its power in such wise strengthened the assumed human nature that it could bear the burden of God's wrath against sin, and deliver us from it" (q. 34). Accordingly it was not Christ who suffered and died for us, but his human nature. The Second Helvetic Confession (XI) admits a communication of properties of both natures to the whole person so that whatever is done by the divine or human nature is attributed to the person; and yet the same Confession also asserts that "neither the divine nature in Christ suffered, nor that Christ according to his human nature is still in this world or everywhere" (VIII). " ... according to his human nature, he is now not upon earth; but according to his Godhead, majesty, grace, and Spirit, he is at no time absent from us" (H. C., q. 47). In opposition to the Lutheran view of a real communion of the two natures Professor Heyns states the Reformed Christology plainly in these words: "God is infinitely exalted above all creatures, and essentially different from it, so that between the Divine and the human there is a chasm that cannot be bridged over" (H., 93).
(b) Christ's Work.
    The Reformed Confessions adopt Calvin's threefold division of the work of Christ, prophet, priest, and king (H. C., q. 31; W. C., VIII, I). The distinctive Reformed teaching is chiefly apparent regarding the priestly office of Christ. On the one hand, Calvin lays great emphasis on the objective necessity of Christ's redemptive work. "Christ by his obedience has really procured and merited grace from the Father for us ... Christ has satisfied for our sins. We have been purified by his blood, and his death was an expiation for sins" (II, 17, 3, 4). On the other hand, in viewing Christ's atoning sacrifice Calvin is influenced by his conception of God's sovereignty and predestination. God has chosen the elect before the foundation of the world. He is sovereign; therefore there can be with him no necessity of Christ's work for the salvation of the elect. "When we speak of the merit of Christ, therefore, we do not consider him as the origin of it" but we ascend to the ordination of God which is the first cause; ...Christ could merit nothing except by the good pleasure of God, by which he had been predestinated to appease the divine wrath by his sacrifice" (ib. I).
    From the fact that God has purposed that only the elect should be saved, and others left to the just consequences of their sins, it follows that Christ did not die for the whole world and consequently, the atonement is particular and not general. Over against Arminianism the Canons of Dort expressly set forth the doctrine of limited atonement in c. II and VIII. " ... it was the will of God that Christ by the blood of the cross, whereby he confirmed the new covenant, should effectually redeem out of every people, tribe, nation, and language, all those, and those only, who were from eternity chosen to salvation" (see also Sh. C., 21; W. C., VIII, 5). With this does not conflict question 37 of the Heidelberg Catechism which says that Christ "bore the wrath of God against the sin of the whole human race." These words do not mean to teach general atonement. "For there the question is not for whom but what Christ has suffered, and the redemption of but one person would also have demanded sustaining the undivided wrath of God against the sins of all mankind. This is the reason that the atonement, as far as its worth is concerned, would be sufficient for all men" (H., 104).
    The vicarious satisfaction of Christ is said to be inseparably connected with election, the former being possible only through the latter.
    "Even human law, although it does permit that one pay for the other in money matters, will not permit the suffering of one for the other in cases of moral guilt. It insists that the guilty one shall beat the punishment. And this is also the demand of the divine law: the soul that sinneth, it shall die, Ezek. 18:4, 20. Through election, however, the atonement of Christ was in full accord with this demand. For it was an election in Him, Eph. 1:4, a deed, therefore, in virtue of which the elect were from eternity one with Christ, they one with Him as His body, He one with them as their Head. Thus His suffering and dying for the body of the elect was not a suffering and dying for another, but for His own body. The possibility, therefore, of a vicarious suffering and dying of Christ stands or falls with election. We admit both, the Pelagians deny both" (H. 105 f.).
    Concerning the states of Christ there is a difference between the Reformed and the Lutheran teaching. According to the Lutherans Christ's descent into Hades is the first stage of his exaltation (see p. 160). According to the Reformed it is the last stage of his humiliation. The Lutherans hold that Christ after his death descended into hell to triumph over the power of darkness and preached to the lost spirits confirming their sentence of condemnation. The Reformed hold that Christ on the cross when he felt himself forsaken of God, experienced in his own soul the pains of the lost. "If his soul had experienced no punishment, he would have been only a Redeemer for the body" (Inst., II, 16, 12). "He suffered in his soul the dreadful torments of a person condemned and irretrievably lost" (ib. Io). "The order of things in the Apostles' Creed, according to which the descent is subsequent to the burial, which really preceded it" is to be explained not chronologically but logically. "For the relation of those sufferings of Christ, which were visible to men, is very properly followed by that invisible and incomprehensible vengeance which he suffered from the hand of God" (ib.).

6. Man

    Lutherans and Calvinists agree in their opposition to the Romish dogma of man's original state, but differ among themselves, in two points, in their definition of the compass of man's primitive perfection.
    (I) In the anthropology of Calvin there is to be noted a decidedly low, estimate which he places upon man's physical body. "Let it be understood that by his being made of earth and clay, a restraint was laid upon pride; since nothing is more absurd than to glory in their excellence, who not only inhabit a cottage of clay, but who are themselves composed partly of dust and ashes" (Inst., I, 15, I). The body is "but a prison"; we are "kept in bondage by the fetters of the body" (ib. III, g, 4). "We are absent from God as long as we dwell in the body,... but when absent from the body we are present with the Lord." The soul's "liberation from the prison of the body" is the "introduction into complete liberty," hence it should be understood that this mortal life is "of itself nothing but misery," and that therefore the terrestrial life as compared with the celestial "should undoubtedly be despised and accounted of no value" (ib. I, 15, z).
    The Lutheran conception of man as a harmonious unity is foreign to Calvin's anthropology. He admits that the glory of God is displayed in man's external form, yet he thinks that "extending the image of God promiscuously to the body as well as to the soul confounds heaven and earth together" (ib. 3). This Platonizing and spiritualistic tendency which resembles very much the dualism as we find it in the Romish anthropology (comp. pp. 76 ff.), is still more apparent in Zwingli's anthropology. In his De providentia he says, that in man there are conjoined two completely divers natures: "the soul was deposited into the clay of the body; the body was prepared out of clay to be the dwelling place of the soul. But neither part can deny its nature. The spirit loves truth and worships the Godhead; the body likewise is drawn toward its origin, the clay and the flesh, and follows their nature."
    The doctrinal standards of the Reformed Church, with but one exception, do not support the dualistic view of Calvin. The Second Helvetic Confession, however, expressly states that "man consists of two, i. e., two divers substances in one person, an immortal soul, inasmuch as separated from the body it neither sleeps, nor perishes, and a mortal body which nevertheless shall be raised from the dead at the last judgment" (VII). Benedict Pictet (d. 1724), in his Christian Theology, reproduces Calvin's theory: Man's body was formed of the dust of the ground; "not of rich materials or precious metal, but of the earth which we tread under our feet;... God was pleased to create man in this way, that he might remember his origin, and thus constantly carry with him grounds for humility, nor ever set himself up against his Creator" (p. 131). The Reformed theologians of today have generally abandoned Calvin's dualism and approach, more or less, Luther's view. "The body of man may also be included in the image of God in a wider sense. We do not mean to say that God has a body, but man's body as an organized unity with the soul as the animated habitation and instrument of the soul also reflects in a material form the glory of God. The entire man is a manifestation of the image of God" (B. 89).
    (2) The Reformed confessions, with one accord, emphasize that man, created in God's image, was in a state of original purity, integrity and sanctity (C. B., XIV; Ir. Art., XXI; W. C., IV, 2). "God created man ...after his own image and similitude, to whom he gave wisdom, lordship, justice, free will, and clear knowledge of himself, so that in the whole nature of man there could be noted no imperfection" (C. Sc., II). Here we notice the second point of difference between Lutheran and Calvinistic anthropology. The Lutherans see in the free will of man in his original state the right direction of the natural will, so that nothing in man or outside man could hinder him from being what he was, holy and righteous; the possibility of sinning being merely a possibility of giving up his god-given freedom. Calvin sees in man's original freedom a mere formal freedom, a power of contrary choice. Leaving aside "the question respecting the secret predestination of God,... what was the real nature of man? Adam could have stood if he would, since he fell merely by his own will; but because his will was flexible to either side, and he was not endued with constancy to persevere, therefore he so easily fell" (Inst., I, 15, 8). The Second Helvetic Confession (IX) likewise sees man's original freedom merely in this ability of either persevering in goodness or inclining to evil.
    We should like to know how the idea of man's will being "flexible to either side" harmonizes with man's concreated holiness and righteousness. This conception of man's original righteousness comes very near the Romish idea of the superadded gift of grace which man needed to prevent an inner moral contradiction. The following, much discussed, passage (Inst., II, 2, 12) seems to be proof of the assertion made. "And, indeed, I much approve of that common observation, which has been borrowed from Augustine, that the natural talents in man have been corrupted by sin, but that of the supernatural ones he has been wholly deprived." The same distinction between the natural and supernatural powers of man is made by Bosma (Expos. of Ref. Doctr.), "God gave Adam all the natural powers necessary to do what he was required. God withheld from him, during his probation, the higher supernatural powers that might have made it impossbile [sic] for Adam to sin" (99).
    For reasons sufficient unto himself God sovereignly decreed to permit Adam to fall from the state of integrity and holiness. "Our first parents ... sinned in eating the forbidden fruit. This their sin God was pleased, according to his wise and holy counsel, to permit, having purposed to order it to his own glory" (W. C., VI, I). "By this sin they fell from their original righteousness and communion with God, and so became dead in sin, and wholly defiled in all the faculties and parts of soul and body" (ib. z).
    Their fall involved the whole human race "descending from them by ordinary generation" (ib.3). Original sin, i. e., the hereditary depravity and corruption of our nature attaches to all men and pervades the entire being of man. "I am by nature prone to hate God and my neighbor" (H. C., q. 5). The depraved nature of man comes "from the fall and disobedience of our first parents,... whereby our nature became so corrupt that we are all conceived and born in sin" (ib. 7). "All the posterity of Adam, Christ only excepted, have derived corruption from their original parent" (C. D., c. III, Art. II). Original sin first makes man an object of God's wrath and then manifests itself in the works of the flesh (ib. Art. III). It is truly sin and, like actual sin, brings guilt upon the sinner. "This evil is truly sin, sufficient for the condemnation of the whole human race, even of little children in the mother's womb" (C. B., XI).
    Man lost the freedom of the will to do good, but he commits sin by free will and not from coercion (II Helv., IX). Zwingli's theory of original sin as a defect, which one derives from birth without his own fault, and which therefore involves no sin, was not adopted by Calvin nor by any of the confessions.
    What is sin? The Reformed confessions answer, "disobedience" (H .C., q. 7), or "sin is any want of conforming unto, or transgression of, the law of God" (Sh. C., q. I); "revolting from the government of the Creator" (Inst. II, 1, 4); "eating the forbidden fruit" (W. C., VI, I). Likewise original or inherited sin "is the breaking of the probationary: command in Adam, our representative. We are not charged with all of Adam's sin, only his sin of eating of the forbidden tree" (B. 101). According to the Lutheran conception original sin is the breach with God, the lack of true fear of God and trust in him, the active power of a life contrary to all that God wants and is. And this sinful habitus is transmitted from Adam to his descendants and charged against them by God, and not merely the single act of disobedience of the eating of the forbidden fruit.
    The question, how is Adam's sin transmitted to all his posterity? is answered by Calvin "because it was ordained by God, that the gifts which he conferred on the first man should by him be preserved or lost both for himself and for all his posterity" (Inst., II, I, 7). Following Calvin the Canons of Dort (c. III et IV, Art. II) state that "all the posterity of Adam ... have derived corruption from their original parent, not by imitation, as the Pelagians of old asserted, but by propagation of a vicious nature in consequence of a just judgment of God."2
  The Reformed theologians explain the fact that the sin of eating of the forbidden tree is charged against all the posterity of Adam by the idea of the covenant of works. "Adam," says Bosma (p. 92), "was the covenant or federal head of the human race. The covenant of which Adam was the head is called 'covenant of works,' because it was through work of obedience that he was to gain eternal life, in contrast to the covenant of grace, wherein eternal life is obtained as a free gift of God's grace." Scriptural grounds for this covenant idea are said to be found in Hos. 6:7 and Rom. 5: 18, 19. The doctrine of the covenants received dogmatic formulation and symbolic sanction at a comparatively late period; hence the earlier confessional standards do not mention it, but it is clearly set forth in the Westminster Confession, ch. VII, of God's covenant with man. The significance of this doctrine for the Reformed teaching concerning the imputation of Adam's sin to all his posterity is stated by Heyns as follows:
"The Covenant of Works explains the imputation of Adam's sin to all his descendants, as if they all personally had eaten of the fruit of the tree. This cannot have its ground in our relation to Adam as our ancestor alone, for that would be contrary to the divine rule, that the son shall not bear the unrighteousness of the father, Ezek. 18:20. Adam's sinning as our ancestor may offer an explanation for our natural depravity as inherited from sin, but it offers no explanation for the imputation of his guilt on us. The imputation of Adam's sin as our own sin is possible only through the fact that Adam as our ancestor was at the same time our representative Covenanthead, acting in our place and on our behalf, and this covenant relation to Adam as our representing head was established by the Covenant of Works" (H. 70).

7.  Man's Conversion

    Fallen man has lost all ability of will to any spiritual good and is therefore utterly unable, "by his own strength, to convert himself, or to prepare himself thereunto" (W. C., IX, 3). Man destitute of saving knowledge and dead in sin, is called to salvation by the preaching of the gospel. But only the elect are called effectually (irresistible grace). "All those, whom God has predestinated unto life, and those only, he is pleased, in his appointed and accepted time, effectually to call" (ib. X, I). And whosoever is called effectually, "not only can come, but also actually comes" (Inst., III, 24, I). The Reformed theologians, therefore, sharply distinguish between the external calling taking place only through the word as an outward means, and the internal calling being effected by the Spirit accompanying the word. Hence the Westminster Confession (ib.) says that God is pleased "effectually to call by his Word and Spirit" (see also C. D., c. I, Art. VII). The external calling very often takes place without the inner calling, but the latter always presupposes the former. "There is a universal call, by which God, in the external preaching of the word, invites all,... and a special call,.., when by the inward illumination of His Spirit, he causes the word preached to sink into their hearts" (Inst., III, 24, 8). Explaining John 6:45, "Every one that hath heard and learned of the Father cometh unto me," Calvin says, "when the Father is heard within he takes away the heart of stone and gives a heart of flesh" (ib. I). This special call "favors only believers, i. e., the elect," while the external call is intended to be "a savour of death, and an occasion of heavier condemnation" to the reprobate (ib. 8).
    The theory of the twofold calling as set forth by Calvin in its baldest form is also reproduced by the Westminster Confession in ch. X, of effectual calling particularly section 4, which is omitted in the Confession of the Cumberland Presbyterians; in ch. XI, of justification, section I, the words "those whom God effectually calleth" are changed into "those whom God calleth and who obey the call." The Canons of Dort (ch. III and IV, Art. VIII) state the doctrine of the calling in a milder form: "As many as are called by the gospel are unfeignedly called; for God hath most earnestly and truly declared in his Word what will be acceptable to him, namely, that all who are called should comply with the invitation. He, moreover, seriously promises eternal life and rest to as many as shall come to him, and believe on him." And yet, the same Canons (ch. I, Art. VII) declare that "God has decreed ...effectually to call" the elect only. But if God withholds from the majority that which alone makes their coming to God possible what does it mean that "as many as are called are unfeignedly called" and that God "earnestly and truly" and"seriously" desires "that all who are called should comply with the invitation?" And if it is not the word, but the Spirit accompanying the word who calls effectually, may conversion not be effected without the word by the immediate operation of the Spirit upon the heart of man? Reformed theologians, indeed, speak of an ordinary and extraordinary calling; "the one is that which God uses in the ordinary dispensation of his grace through the ministry of men; the latter is out of the common course, and respects those persons, whom Christ immediately called" (P. 290). This theory comes very near the idea of the Enthusiasts of an inward operation of the Spirit without external means of grace. And how do I know that I am called effectually, or, which is the same, that I am an elect? The Canons of Dort answer: "By observing" within me "the infallible fruits of election,.., such as true faith in Christ, filial fear, a godly sorrow for sin, a hungering and thirsting after righteousness, etc." (ch. I, Art. XII). But then the assurance of my salvation rests after all on something subjective, something within me, on my feeling and my experience of God's grace, and my own good works.
    The first act of inward calling is faith which the Holy Spirit works in us. Calvin and the Reformed confessions, like Luther, maintain that faith is a free gift of God, "a gratuitous and special gift which God grants" (C. G., XXI), but they lay more stress than Luther upon the intellectual element of faith. "Faith consists in a knowledge of God and Christ" (Inst. III, 2, 2. 3). "Faith is a knowledge of the will of God respecting us.... And the foundation of this is a previous persuasion of the divine veracity" (ib. 6). "By this faith a Christian believeth to be true whatsoever is revealed in the Word, for the authority of God himself speaking therein" (W. C., XIV, 2). The Heidelberg Catechism, although stating that faith "is not only a certain knowledge .. but also a hearty trust" (q. 21), at the same time emphasizes the intellectual side of faith asserting that it is necessary for a Christian to believe "all that is promised us in the Gospel, which the articles of our catholic, undoubted Christian faith teach us in sum" (q. 22). Heyns defines saving faith as "the living conviction, wrought in the heart by the Holy Spirit, that the Gospel is true, John 3:33" (H., 266).
    From faith proceeds repentance which extends through the whole life of the believer. It consists in the mortification of the flesh together with the crucifying of the old man within us and a vivification by the Spirit. In contradistinction to the Lutheran teaching that contrition or repentance wrought by the law precedes faith, Calvin maintains that repentance follows faith. "Repentance not only immediately follows faith, but is produced by it" (III, 3, I;also Cat. Gen., I, de Fide). By repentance Calvin means the renewal of life which follows faith. He admits "that many are overcome or led to obedience by terrors of conscience before they have imbibed a knowledge of grace" (ib. 3, 2), but this he would not call repentance. Nor is it necessary according to Calvin that a person pass through this "initial fear," these terrors of conscience, for Christ has many ways to draw us to himself. Bosma, answering the question, "Which of the two parts of conversion precedes, repentance or faith?" follows Calvin and advises to "be very careful not to dictate a certain method of conversion to all alike, different characters will be differently led by God in their experience of conversion" (B. 188).
    We Lutherans certainly do not want to dictate a certain method of conversion, but we do strictly hold to, and insist upon, the only safe and certain, because Biblical, method of conversion, according to which the Holy Spirit, through the law, working recognition of guilt and remorse for sin leads man to repentance so that he cries out "What must I do to be saved?" and, through the gospel, revealing to the repentant sinner God's love in Christ works faith which receives and accepts the righteousness which God gives.
    Calvin felt that his arrangement of faith and repentance was not quite in harmony with Scripture, as when Christ and the Baptist "first exhort the people to repentance, and afterwards adds that the kingdom of heaven is at hand" (ib.). But even in these texts Calvin sees nothing but proof of his idea of faith and repentance and says of those who do not see this that "they superstitiously attend to the connection of syllables and disregard the sense and coherence of the words" (ib.). Yet, leaving aside superstitiously attending to the connection of syllables and merely regarding the sense and coherence of these words: "The time is fulfilled and the kingdom of heaven is at hand: repent ye, and believe the gospel," Mark 1:15, we cannot but say that repentance must precede faith.

8. Justification and Sanctification

    The believer united to Christ by faith or "grafted into him" receives a duplex gratia, a double grace, namely, justification and regeneration or sanctification.
(a) Justification.
    In full accord with Luther, Calvin and the Reformed confessions assert that justification consists in the forgiveness of sin and in the imputation of Christ's righteousness. Calvin says, God justifies "by absolving and pardoning us; we are justified by gratuitous imputation.... Sinners being invested with the righteousness of Christ ... are accounted righteous. ... Justification is opposed to accusation; which antithesis clearly demonstrates, that the form of expression is borrowed from the practice of courts" (III, 11, 11). "Man is justified by faith only" (ib. 19). Not that "faith were to justify of itself, or by an intrinsic efficacy"; it is only "a vessel," "the instrument by which righteousness is received" (ib. 7).
    Justification as a forensic act must not be confounded with the renewal of life; "it is one thing to be justified, and another thing to be made new creatures." Osiander in confusing the two "erroneously made of two good parts one corrupt whole." " ... in justification there is no regard paid to works" (ib. 6; see also the Confessions: H. C., 60-62; C. B., XXIII; I Helv., XII and XIII; II Helv., XV; C. G., XVIII; W. C., XI).
    This clear-cut presentation of this doctrine, however, suffers some eclipse from Calvin's theory of predestination. Although he states that "Christ is apprehended and possessed by us by faith and we, being by his innocence reconciled to God, have a propitious father instead of a judge" (ib. I), he also maintains "those, whom God has chosen, he designates as his children, and determines himself to be their father" (ib. 24, I). The Westminster Confession likewise teaches that "God did, from all eternity, decree to justify all the elect," but also adds that "they are not justified until the Holy Spirit doth, in due time, actually apply Christ unto them" (XI, 4). Accordingly, justification which is decreed from all eternity actually takes place in time. This is, indeed, the usual and popular presentation of justification in the Reformed theology. Many Reformed theologians, however, follow Calvin and view justification as having taken place in eternity. God, they say, does not first justify the sinner who by faith apprehends Christ's righteousness; God has from eternity determined to look upon him as being righteous in his sight. By faith the sinner merely realizes that he is justified and in virtue of this realization has peace with God through Jesus Christ. Says Calvin, "Though by choosing his people, the Lord has adopted them as his children, yet we see that they enter not on the possession of so great a blessing till they are called; on the other hand, as soon as they are called, they immediately enjoy some communication of his election" (ib. I). As proof text for this theory is usually quoted Rev. 13:8, "whose names are not written in the book of life of the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world."3 "Here it is stated that the sacrifice of Christ has been brought from eternity, not that it was decided before the foundation of the world that it would be brought in time, but that it was brought from the foundation of the world. So also it was not merely decided from eternity in respect to the elect, who were regarded as included in that sacrifice, to justify them in time, but they were actually justified in eternity and their names written in the book of life as righteous. When therefore the Scriptures speak of a justification through faith, i. e., of a justification in time, they cannot mean an actual justification, for that has taken place in eternity. What it can mean is only the realization of justification through faith" (H., 290). The idea of eternal justification and consequent perseverance is rejected as unscriptural by the Cumberland Presbyterians (see note attached to section 3 of ch. XVII of the Cumberl. Confession).
(b) Regeneration or Sanctification.
    The word regeneration is here not used in its narrower sense meaning the procreation of a true and saving faith, but in its broader sense designating the moral renewing of man, or sanctification. Calvin uses the term in this wider sense and calls it also repentance. "No one can embrace the grace of the gospel, but he must depart from the error of his former life, enter into the right way, and devote all his attention to the exercise of repentance" (III, 3, 1). The Belgic Confession describes regeneration with these words: "We believe that this true faith being wrought in man by the hearing of the Word of God and the operation of the Holy Ghost, doth regenerate and make him a new man, causing him to live a new life, and freeing him from the bondage of sin" (Art. XXIV).
    Sanctification comes to the believer from Christ no less than justification. But the two are not to be confounded, neither are they to be separated. "You must first possess Christ; but you cannot possess him without becoming a partaker of his sanctification; for he cannot be divided.... Union with Christ, by which we are justified, contains sanctification as well as righteousness" (Inst., III, 16, I). This way of regarding the matter is said "to maintain the glory of God unimpaired and undiminished and to assure rest and peace to us" (ib. 13, I).
    Since Calvin represents God as working effectually in the predestinated to the end of the sanctification of man it cannot be said that his theory of predestination leads to moral indifference, on the contrary "it should rather awaken and stimulate us to a cheerful practice of it, than be used as a pretext for slothfulness" (ib. 23, 12).
    It should be noticed that Calvin concludes the discussion of man's salvation with a presentation of the doctrine of predestination. He does that in order to make predestination a support for the certainty of salvation. The assurance which the believer has of salvation rests on the divine choice of the man to salvation. This assurance is but increased by the fact that God "adopts not all promiscuously to the hope of salvation, but gives to some what he refuses to others" (ib. 21, I). "They who know not themselves to be God's peculiar people will be tortured with continualanxiety." On the other hand, there is not "any other basis for solid confidence" but God's eternal predestination "even according to the authority of Christ ... who promises to preserve in safety all whom the Father has committed to his care" (ib). They alone receive the gift of perseverance (donum perseverantiae), and continue in faith and holiness unto the end. There can be retrogression in sanctification, a "falling short of the grace of God" (Hebr. 12: 15), but there can be no falling from grace.
    The basis of the doctrine of the inamissibility of grace is not the teaching of Scripture, but the error of identifying the elect with the regenerate. An elect may totally, but not finally, lose faith. Luther rightly held that David and Peter had fallen from the state of grace when they fell into heinous sin. The regenerate can totally and finally lose faith. He cannot renew himself. The renewal is God's work alone. But the regenerate man is able in coöperation with the Holy Spirit to nourish, cultivate and develop the new spiritual life; at the same time, he has the freedom not only to stunt the growth of his spiritual life, but utterly to destroy it, to commit spiritual suicide so that his falling from grace becomes irreparable. In Hebr. 6:4 f. we read "it is impossible for those who were once enlightened, and tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy Ghost, and have tasted the good word of God, and the powers of the world to come, if they shall fall away, to renew them again unto repentance." Here we notice three things: (I) the text speaks of regenerate persons. Or are they not regenerate who are said "to have tasted the heavenly gift, who have been made partakers of the Holy Ghost, and have tasted the powers of the world to come?" A Reformed theologian particularly, according to his own idea of "the effectual call by the word and the Spirit," cannot but refer these words to the regenerate. (2) The text speaks of a possibility of the fall of the regenerate, "if they should fall away." (3) If the text says that they cannot be renewed again it presupposes that they were once renewed. Calvin attempts in vain to show (Inst., III, 2, II) that this passage refers to reprobate hypocrites and not to regenerate persons.
    The Canons of Dort devote a whole chapter (V) to "the Perseverance of the Saints." Even if they fall into "such enormous sins" as David and Peter did, and thereby "highly offend God, incur a deadly guilt, grieve the Holy Spirit, interrupt the exercise of faith, very grievously wound their consciences, and sometimes lose the sense of God's favor for a time" (Art. V), nevertheless, God "according to his unchangeable purpose of election, does not wholly withdraw the Holy Spirit from his own people in their melancholy falls" (Art. VI); " ... in these falls he preserves in them the incorruptible seed of regeneration from perishing or being totally lost; and again by his Word and Spirit he certainly and effectually renews them to repentance" (Art. VII);comp. also W. C., XVII, XVIII. Accordingly, those who once have had saving faith even though they be "drawn into great and heinous sins" or "actually fall into these evils," they can nevertheless be absolutely sure of their salvation, which, "through faith, becomes a possession which can never be lost. He that believes on the Son hath eternal life, John 3:36, and after we have believed, we are sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise" (H., 299). " ... of their perseverance in the faith, true believers for themselves may and do obtain assurance according to the measure of their faith, whereby they arrive at the certain persuasion that they ever will continue true and living members of the Church; and ... at last inherit eternal life" (C. D., ch. V, Art. IX).
    But if I obtain assurance "according to the measure of my faith" and that faith is very weak, my assurance cannot be very firm and strong either. And if the "exercise of my faith is interrupted, for a time," then I am to ground the certainty of my salvation upon a subjective experience of God's grace in the past. Suppose this experience was never real but only imagined, is not the assurance thus obtained mere self-deception? Calvin's theory of the certainty of salvation either makes men self-confident and secure or drives them to despair. Calvin himself admits, that believers, "in recognizing the grace of God towards them, are not only disturbed with inquietude which frequently befalls them, but sometimes also tremble with the most distressing terrors" (Inst., III, 217).
    Calvin also correctly says, like Luther, that "we shall find no assurance of our salvation in ourselves; nor even in God the Father, considered alone, abstractly from the Son. Christ, therefore, is the mirror, in which it behooves us to contemplate our election; and here we may do it with safety" (ib. 24, 5); and "the principal hinge on which faith turns is this, that we must ... make the promises of mercy ... our own, by embracing them in our hearts. Hence arises that confidence which the same apostle in another place calls 'peace'" (ib. z, 26). But by his theory of predestination Calvin again destroys the sure foundation of assurance. I can make the promises of mercy, which God offers, my own only, if I am effectually called, or, in other words, if I am an elect. How do I know that I am an elect? Calvin admits that "there is scarcely a person to be found, whose mind is not sometimes struck with this thought: Whence can you obtain salvation but from the election of God? And what revelation have you received of election? If this has once impressed a man, it either perpetually excruciates the unhappy being with dreadful torments, or altogether stupifies him with astonishment" (ib. 24, 4).
    This assurance is also said to be produced, besides from faith in God's promises and the testimony of the Holy Spirit, "from a serious and holy desire to preserve a good conscience, and to perform good works" (C. D., ch. V, Art. X). "Why must we do good works? ... also that we ourselves may be assured of our faith by the fruits thereof" (H. C., q. &6). By good works "believers ... strengthen their assurance" (W. C., XVI, 2).
    My works, then, are to assure me of my faith and increase the certainty of my salvation. Suppose, there is a man who strives with might and main to do good works and makes appalling sacrifices in order to make his election sure, when does he obtain the full certainty of his election' How does he know when he has done enough? And if after all he is none of God's elect, there is in him no faith of which his works are said to be the fruits.
    In the official edition of the Confession of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church there is a note attached to Chapter XVII stating that Church's position with regard to the perseverance of the saints; it reads as follows:
    "...The idea of eternal justification and consequent perseverance is unscriptural: the way perseverance is insisted on by some preachers in connection with the preceding parts of their sermons is certainly dangerous. Example: First preach a superficial experience, then make a great many more allowances for weakness and wickedness, stumbling, staying, etc., than God's Word admits, then press perseverance, and you have the formalist or hypocrite confirmed. On the other hand, press the doctrine of final apostasy, if the creature does not so and so, making the perseverance of the creature depend chiefly upon his doings: you raise in the mind of the unregenerate professor the fear of hell, as a high excitement to duty; confirm him in his legality; prepare his mind, indirectly at least, to give glory to himself for his perseverance; settle him down in a self-confident and deplorable situation. What God's Word hath joined together, let not his ministers put asunder; but first let them give a clear, definite description of the new birth, and then let them press the doctrine of heart and practical holiness as the sure consequence...,and daily evidences (not the cause) of that gracious state which will insure their final perseverance. Then this true and comfortable doctrine will not be perverted neither will it have a tendency to licentiousness in him "whom the love of Christ restraineth," or the real Christian: no, he serves and desires to serve God with more zeal, and from pure evangelical principles, still laying the foundation in his own mind, and cherishing the principle of ascribing all the glory to God for his conversion, his perseverance, and his final and complete redemption" (Quoted from Schaff, Creeds, f II, 775 f.).

9. Good Works

    In accord with the Lutheran symbols the Belgian Confession (Art. XIV) teaches that justifying faith cannot "be unfruitful in man"; it is "a faith that worketh by love, which excites man to the practice of those works which God has commanded in his Word; which works, as they proceed from the good root of faith, are good and acceptable in the sight of God ... it is by faith in Christ that we are justified, even before we do good works, otherwise they could not be good works any more than the fruit of a tree can be good before the tree itself is good." The Heidelberg Catechism points out particularly the source of good works--"true faith," the standard of good works--"the law of God," and the purpose of good works--"his glory" (q. 91). The Catechism mentions as a secondary purpose of good works "also that we ourselves may be assured of our faith by the fruits thereof" (q. 86) (see also W. C., XVI, 2).
    While there is general agreement between the Lutherans and the Reformed concerning the relation of good works to justification, there are differences in their conception (I) of the source, (2) standard and (3) purpose of good works.
    (I) How is faith the source of good works? Calvin answers somewhat like this: Faith unites us to Christ and this union with Christ contains both our justification and sanctification. By faith united to Christ we are made partakers of Christ's death and resurrection. The old man being crucified with him we are raised with him to a new life (Inst., III, 3, 8, f.). But Calvin does not show that faith is the propelling cause of the believer's life. Calvin is also fond of attributing our sanctification to the influence of the Holy Spirit. "This takes place when the Spirit of God has tinctured our souls with his holiness, and given them such new thoughts and affections, that they may be justly considered as new" (ib.). The Scotch Confession (XIII) combines both ideas and says that "the Spirit of the Lord Jesus Christ, who dwelling in our hearts by true faith, brings forth such works" (see also II Helv., XVI, 5). But the Reformed teaching lays the emphasis not on faith but on the Holy Spirit as the source of good works. The believers cannot "perform any other obedience to him, than that which he has given them" (Inst., III, 8, 4). "Their ability to do good works is not at all of themselves, but wholly from the Spirit of Christ. And that they may be enabled thereunto, besides the graces they have already received, there is required an actual influence of the same Holy Spirit to work in them to will and to do of his good pleasure" (W. C., XVI, 3).
    The Lutherans lay the emphasis on justifying faith as the spontaneous source of God-pleasing actions. Out of the same faith that apprehends Christ's righteousness spring the motives of holy living. Faith is a living active thing; and the living energy of faith manifests itself in good works.
    (2) As far as the standard of good works is concerned both Lutherans and Reformed agree that the law of God is the rule of life and conduct, but Reformed theology emphasizes the significance of the law for the believer in such a way that a marked legalism characterizes the ethics of the Reformed Church. Good works, says the Westminster Confession, are "done in obedience to God's commandments" (XVI, 2). "Good works ... are performed according to the law of God" (H. C., q. 91). "It is the duty of believers to present their bodies a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable unto God" (Inst., III, 7, I). "The moral law doth forever bind all, as well justified persons as others, to the obedience thereof; and that not only in regard of the matter contained in it, but also in respect of the authority of God the Creator who gave it" (W. C., XIX, 5). Speaking of the significance of the law for the regenerate Calvin calls "the third use of the law the 'principle one-and which is more nearly connected with the proper end of it." He compares the relation of the believer to the law to that of a "servant" to his "master." "By frequent meditation, there are differences in their conception (I) of the source, (2) standard and (3) purpose of good works.
    (I) How is faith the source of good works? Calvin answers somewhat like this: Faith unites us to Christ and this union with Christ contains both our justification and sanctification. By faith united to Christ we are made partakers of Christ's death and resurrection. The old man being crucified with him we are raised with him to a new life (Inst., III, 3, 8, f.). But Calvin does not show that faith is the propelling cause of the believer's life. Calvin is also fond of attributing our sanctification to the influence of the Holy Spirit. "This takes place when the Spirit of God has tinctured our souls with his holiness, and given them such new thoughts and affections, that they may be justly considered as new" (ib.). The Scotch Confession (XIII) combines both ideas and says that "the Spirit of the Lord Jesus Christ, who dwelling in our hearts by true faith, brings forth such works" (see also II Helv., XVI, 5). But the Reformed teaching lays the emphasis not on faith but on the Holy Spirit as the source of good works. The believers cannot "perform any other obedience to him, than that which he has given them" (Inst., III, 8, 4). "Their ability to do good works is not at all of themselves, but wholly from the Spirit of Christ. And that they may be enabled thereunto, besides the graces they have already received, there is required an actual influence of the same Holy Spirit to work in them to will and to do of his good pleasure" (W. C., XVI, 3).
    The Lutherans lay the emphasis on justifying faith as the spontaneous source of God-pleasing actions. Out of the same faith that apprehends Christ's righteousness spring the motives of holy living. Faith is a living active thing; and the living energy of faith manifests itself in good works.
    (2) As far as the standard of good works is concerned both Lutherans and Reformed agree that the law of God is the rule of life and conduct, but Reformed theology emphasizes the significance of the law for the believer in such a way that a marked legalism characterizes the ethics of the Reformed Church. Good works, says the Westminster Confession, are "done in obedience to God's commandments (XVI, z). "Good works ..;are performed according to the law of God" (H. C., 9. 91). 'It is the duty of believers to present their bodies a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable unto God" (Inst., III, 7, I). "The moral law doth forever bind all, as well justified persons as others, to the obedience thereof; and that not only in regard of the matter contained in it, but also in respect of the authority of God the Creator who gave it" (W. C., XIX, 5). Speaking of the significance of the law for the regenerate Calvin calls "the third use of the law the 'principle one'-and which is more nearly connected with the proper end of it." He compares the relation of the believer to the law to that of a "servant" to his "master." "By frequent meditation on the law the servant of God will be excited to obedience. ...To the flesh the law serves as a whip, urging it, like a dull and tardy animal, forwards to its work; and even to the spiritual man, who is not yet delivered from the burden of the flesh, it will be a perpetual spur, that will not permit him to loiter" (Inst., II, 7, 12). Commandment, law, duty, obedience--these frequently recurring words are expressive of the rigorous legalism which characterizes the Reformed theology. Lutheran theology rejects such legalism and teaches that the regenerate do good works "spontaneously and freely," "without constraint and with a willing spirit," "as though they knew of no command, threat, or reward" (F. C., 807). The regenerate are not under the law. They have been freed and exempted not only from the curse but also from the coercion of the law and yet they are not on this account without law. "But the impulses to right life in the believer are not legal, but spiritual. The New Testament, especially St. Paul in Rom. 8: I sq., and Gal. 5:16 sq., teaches that the believer is impelled by the Spirit to fulfill the righteousness of the law. So the doctrine of faith establishes the law, Rom. 3:31. The principle of life in the believer is no longer the law, but the Spirit; but the form of the life is defined in the law" (Voigt, Bibl. Dogmatics, p. 203 f.).
    (3) Nor does Lutheran theology emphasize the glory of God as being the object and end of good works. The relation of the believer to God is not that of a servant to his master, nor that of a subject to his sovereign, but that of a son to his father; it manifests itself in love. This love needs not be told what its end and purpose should be. Its motive power is the love of God in Christ Jesus; its end and object is to love God and the neighbor, I John 4: 11, 19.

10. The Church

(a) Conception of the Church.
    Zwingli, Calvin and the Reformed confessions sharply distinguish between the invisible and the visible church. The church is the totality of the elect of all ages and places (Inst., IV, I, 2, 7) The Belgian Confession (Art. X)I; VII) defines the church as "a holy congregation and assembly of true Christian believers" --believers being identical with the elect, for only the elect can have true faith.`The church as the totality of the elect is invisible and an object of faith (Inst., ib. 7). The elect, however, are found in an empirical communion, the visible church, i. e., the multitude of professed believers, which includes also hypocrites among its members (ib.).
    The marks of this visible church are (I) the preaching of the word, (2) the proper administration of the sacraments, (3) the proper exercise of Christian discipline (Ir., Art. LXIX; C. Sc., XVIII; C. B., XXIX).
    We are to believe in the invisible church which is known to God alone. We are commanded to honor the visible church and to maintain communion with it (Inst., IV, I, 7). Of this visible organized church Calvin predicates all those properties which belong to the church as the communion of believers. Thus he maintains that the third article of the creed "relates in some measure (aliquatenus) to the external church" (ib.). Of the visible church he says, "there is no other way of entrance into life, unless we are conceived by her, born of her, nourished at her breast, and continually preserved under her care and government:., out of her bosom there can be no hope of remission of sins or any salvation" (ib. 4). Withdrawal from the visible church is therefore also a denial of God and Christ (ib.).
    According to Luther the true church is the communion of believers, "the living body of Christ." Its outward marks are the preaching of the gospel and the administration of the sacraments in accordance with the gospel of Christ. To the communion of believers and to no external organized church are entrusted the Word and the sacraments. Calvin sees in the preaching of the Word and the adminstration [sic] of the sacraments the marks of the true visible church. The doctrinal standards adopted Calvin's idea of the church. "No one ought to seclude himself and be contented to be alone; but all jointly should keep and maintain the union of the Church, and submit to the public teaching, and to the yoke of Jesus Christ, wherever God shall have established a true order of the Church" (C. G., XXVI). The Westminster Confession first speaks of the invisible church of the elect, but says of the visible church that it "is the kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ, the house and family of God, out of which there is no ordinary possibility of salvation. . . . Unto this catholic visible Church Christ has given the ministry, oracles, and ordinances of God, for the gathering and perfecting of the saints" (XXV, 2 and 3). Explaining Art. XXVIII of the Belgian Confession Heyns says of the organized visible church: (a) "the Church is an institution of Christ ..., (b) to the Church is entrusted the ministration of the Word and sacraments ..., (c) to the Church the Holy Spirit has been given to dwell in it and to remain with it eternally, so that whoever withdraws himself from its communion withdraws himself from the communion of the Holy Spirit. These things hold true for the Church as instituted visible Church" (H., 155).
    It must also be remembered that Calvin, when speaking of the marks of the visible church, regards the external means of grace merely as symbols of a possibly accompanying divine influence. In keeping with his concept of God Calvin maintains that the power of God is not confined to external means (Inst., IV, I, 5). To many "he has given the true knowledge of himself in an internal manner, by the illumination of his Spirit, without the intervention of any preaching" (ib. 16, 19). But while God is not confined to external means, "yet he has confined us to the ordinary manner of teaching ... though he could easily make his people perfect in a single moment, yet it was not his will that they should grow to mature age, but under the education of the church" (ib. I, 5).
    According to the Lutheran view the church is the communion of believers where the pure Word of God is preached and the sacraments are administered in accord with Christ's institution. The task of the church, therefore, is to see to it that the pure Word of God is preached and the sacraments are rightly administered. According to the Reformed view the church is the instituted visible church, under the care and government of which we are preserved "till we are divested of this mortal flesh and become like angels" (ib. 4). The task of the church, therefore, is to see to it that there be the right kind of church organization and church government and that church discipline be properly exercised.
(b) Church Government.
    Calvin was convinced that the preaching of the Word and the administration of the sacraments necessitated the divine appointment of definite ecclesiastical offices. The extraordinary offices of apostles, prophets and evangelists, Calvin maintains, "were appointed to continue for a time in the government of the church." The ordinary offices of pastors, teachers, elders and deacons were instituted to be of perpetual duration (ib. 3, 5). The teachers are to interpret the Scriptures; the pastors, to preach the gospel and administer the sacraments. Teachers and pastors together constitute the ministerium verbi. The presbyters coöperate with the pastors for the government of the church; they form the ministerium disciplinae. To the deacons is entrusted the care of the poor; their office is the ministcrium caritatis (ib. 3, 4. 8. g). Calvin attaches great importance to the office of the presbyter or elder. "From the beginning, every church has had its senate or council, composed of pious, grave and holy men, who were invested with the jurisdiction in the correction of vices.... Now that this regulation was not of a single age, experience itself demonstrates. This office of government is necessary, therefore, in every age" (ib. g) (see also C. G., XXIX; C. B., XXX).
    The Reformed theologians see in the three ordinary offices a continuation of the offices of Christ. In the office of the ministers of the word, who have the power of teaching in his name, Luke Io: 16, Christ continues his prophetic office. In the office of the elders, who have the power of ruling in his name, Matt. 18: 18, Christ continues his kingly office. In the office of the deacons, who have the power of showing mercy, Acts 6:2-4, Christ continues his priestly office (see H., 165). All these officers are not only to preach, govern, and care for the poor, but above all to exercise Christian discipline. The people are to choose, but the ministers chosen are to rule. "If no society, and even no house, though containing only a small family, can be preserved in a proper state without discipline, this is far more necessary in the church, the state of which ought to be the most orderly of all. As the saving doctrine of Christ is the soul of the church, so the discipline forms the ligaments which connect the members together and keep each in its proper place" (ib. 12, I). The consistorium or tribunal of the church, composed of spiritual and lay-elders, exercises the disciplinary power including that of excommunication (ib. 2).
    Holiness which is an attribute of the communion of the saints, i. e., the invisible church, is required by Calvin of the visible, instituted church. Church discipline is to bring it on. Therefore Calvin does not, like Luther, see the exercise of the power of the keys in the proclamation of the gospel but in church discipline.
(c) Church and State--Theocracy.
    At first sight it seems that Calvin does not share Zwingli's view of the relation of church and state. According to Zwingli church and state are not separated and independent, each in its sphere; on the contrary, Christianity is a matter of the state. The duty of the government is laid down by God in the Bible. The laws of the state are valid only in so far as they conform to the law of the church. Calvin seems not to favor this medieval idea of Zwingli. Like Luther he distinguishes two kinds of governments, "one, which is situated in the soul, or the inner man, and relates to eternal life," and "the other, which relates to civil justice, and the regulation of external conduct" (ib. 20, I). But since, on the one hand, he makes "the regulation of external conduct" a task of the church and, on the other hand, demands that civil government see to it "that idolatry, sacrileges against the name of God, blasphemies against his truth, and other offences against religion, may not openly appear and be disseminated among the people (ib. 3), he actually abandons the separation of the church and state and lets the one encroach upon the territory of the other. What should be the attitude of the Christian to a government that refuses to coöperate with the church? Zwingli held that a government which sets itself against God and the Bible is to be abrogated. Calvin has not adopted this view of Zwingli; on the contrary, he enjoins the duty upon the people to respect and obey the magistrates "whatever their characters may be," for "they have their government only from God" (ib. to, 25). "But in the obedience due to the authority of governors, it is always necessary to make one exception: that it do not seduce us from obedience to him, to whose will the desires of all kings ought to be subject" (ib. 32) Herein the confessions follow Calvin in the main. As far as the relation of church and state is concerned the Calvinistic churches of the present day stand for the complete freedom from state control.
    Calvin, like Zwingli, aimed at a theocracy after the Old Testament pattern. Church and state though separate in organization coöperate closely to support each other. The church's authority is absolute in matters of doctrine. The discipline of the church is to be carried out by governmental agencies. "No government can be happily constituted, unless its first object be the promotion of piety"; therefore Christian princes and magistrates "should employ their utmost efforts in asserting and defending the honor of him, whose vice-gerents they are and by whose favor they govern.... Their office extends to both tables of the law" (ib. 9). The end in view in this theocracy is to produce a people of God by governmental agencies. God is the Lord whose will rules all. It is the duty of the church and state to carry out his will. Hence civil authority, in its service to God, is under obligation to exercise Christian discipline. When civil cases arise, the church hands the offender over to the civil government foy punishment as was done in the case of the noted Spanish physician and anti-Trinitarian Michael Servetus, who was arrested while passing through Geneva and, with the full consent of Calvin, condemned as heretic and burnt alive, October 27, 1553, though Calvin preferred for him the milder execution by the sword. The sentence met also Melanchthon's approval (Corp. Ref., 8, 362; g, 763). With all this rigorous discipline Calvin had in view not first of all the salvation of men, but the honor and glory of God. "Above all, the honor of God is maintained in punishing crimes" (Corp. Ref., 41, 76). "Within five years from 1542 to 1546 no less than 78 persons were exiled and 58 condemned to death in the city of Geneva which at that time had about 20,000 inhabitants. Within two years, in about 400 cases punishment was inflicted upon persons guilty of dancing, or laughing whilst Calvin was preaching. In 1545 no less than 34 women were burnt at stake or quartered because they were said to have used magic means as a preventive against the threatening danger of the plague. Once several persons, who were thought to be guilty, were condemned to immuration until they would confess; if they could not be moved to confession they should end the days of their life by this kind of torture. All for the honor of God!" (Walther, Symbolik, 261 f.).
    If we think of this rigorous discipline entering into all the details of private and domestic life, the rigid inspection of household conduct, the organized consistory composed of pastors and laymen with wide powers of compulsion, and if we further think of the narrow spirit, hostile to all natural enjoyment and social pleasure, which characterized the civil administration of Calvin, we can well imagine that in many cases the exercise of discipline must have conflicted with the liberty of conscience and, instead of "maintaining the honor of God," made many hypocrites. The cold, legalistic character of Calvin's Reformation left its impress upon the Reformed churches. "He had affixed the stamp of legalism to the Reformed type of Protestantism, and we see it in the widespread endeavor to legislate society into righteous living. Calvin's faith no longer rules; but his legalism, even among the emotional Arminians in the various denominations, is very much in evidence" (The Lutheran, July 28, 1927, p. II).
    Roman Catholic divines saw in Calvin's theocracy a return to the hierarchy, with Calvin as its pope. Schaff, however, maintains that "Calvin's theocracy differed essentially from the Roman Catholic by its popular (though by no means democratic) basis: it was not priestcraft ruling over statecraft, but a self-governing Christian commonwealth" (Creeds, I, 463). And yet, it is not to be denied, that a marked nomism characterized both the church of Rome and Calvin's theocracy. The difference between Rome and Geneva was this that there the infallible teaching office of the church dictated and enforced the rules which were to regulate the conduct of life; here it was a false Biblicism, i. e., strictest adherence to the letter of the Bible as the supreme law of the sovereign God, which led Calvin to conform all acts and forms of life to the words of the Bible. Because the apostles appointed ministers, teachers, presbyters and deacons, it is therefore necessary that the church everywhere and at all times must do the same.
(d) Rites and Ceremonies.
    This Biblicism determines also the position of the Reformed Church in regard to church rites and ceremonies. Usages, customs, festivals that have been observed in the church for centuries but cannot be substantiated by express scriptural command are to be abandoned. For example, Christ and his apostles knew nothing of the use of organs, altars, crucifixes, candles, vestments and the like; hence these things have no place in divine worship. Nor did Christ and his apostles use hymns in their worship, but they did use the Old Testament psalms; hence "it is the will of God that the songs contained in the book of psalms should be used in public service to the exclusion of the devotional compositions of uninspired men" (United Presb. Church of N. A.). However, we are not familiar with the melodies according to which they sang the psalms in the ancient church; hence there can be no objection to putting the psalms into rhymes suitable to modern melodies. Thus we have The Metrical Version of the Psalms approved (Sept. 22,1909) by a joint committee from nine churches of the Presbyterian family in the United States and Canada. Since the New Testament mentions neither the observance of festivals in commemoration of the great events of the life of Christ, nor of saints' days, we are bound to observe only Sunday as the Lord's Day. In the Reformed churches, as a rule, all festivals except Sunday were abolished. Calvin made exceptions in the case of the Swiss of Bern, who desired to keep the gospel festivals, but his Puritan followers rejected the Christian year with its festivals insisting only on strict Sabbath observance in a spirit of Jewish legalism.
    Calvin, like Luther, saw in the Sabbath law a part of the ceremonial law of the Jews and not a part of the moral law which is binding on all men in all times and therefore he asserted the abrogation of the Jewish Sabbath, but he departed from Luther's view by maintaining that the Lord's Day was substituted in the room of the Sabbath (Inst., II, 8, I. 34). This latter view of the substitution of Sunday for the Sabbath soon became the dominant one in the Reformed Church and the perpetual moral obligation to observe the first day of the week as a day of rest and worship was emphatically maintained. It is claimed that the substitution of Sunday for the Sabbath "dates from the time of the Apostles, so that it must have received Apostolic sanction" (H., 308). But just the opposite is true. Neither Christ nor any of his apostles appointed a day of rest or worship; on the contrary, the New Testament warns all Christians: "Let no man judge you in respect of an holy day,... or of Sabbath-days, which are a shadow of the things to come," Col. z: 16, 17; see also Gal. 4: Io, 11; 5:4.
    Out of this legalistic conception of Sunday grew the Puritan theory of the Christian Sabbath which received its first symbolical indorsement in the Irish Articles. "The first day of the week, which is the Lord's Day, is wholly to be dedicated unto the service of God; and therefore we are bound therein to rest from our common and daily business, and to bestow that leisure upon holy exercise, both public and private" (Art. LVI). The Puritan view is stated still more distinctly by the Westminster Confession, ch. XXI, "As it is of the law of nature, that, in general, a due proportion of time be set apart for the worship of God; so, in his Word, by a positive, moral, and perpetual commandment, binding all men in all ages, he has particularly appointed one day in seven for a Sabbath, to be kept holy unto him: which, from the beginning of the world to the resurrection of Christ, was the last day of the week; and, from the resurrection of Christ, was changed into the first day of the week, which in Scripture is called the Lord's day, and is to be continued to the end of the world as the Christian Sabbath" (7). "This Sabbath is then kept holy unto the Lord, when men, after a due preparing of their hearts, and ordering of their common affairs beforehand, do not only observe an holy rest all the day from their own works, words, and thoughts, about their worldly employments and recreations; but also are taken up the whole time in the public and private exercises of this worship and in the duties of necessity and mercy" (8). See also Sh. C., q. 59-61. The Sabbath theory held by the Presbyterians may also be learned from a statement made by the Presbyterian Board of Publication "in introducing to the public a new edition of the inimitable Institutio of the Christian Religion." Commenting on Calvin's interpretation of the fourth commandment the Executive Committee of the Presb. Board of Publication says:
    "The most decidedly objectionable feature in the 'Christian Institutes,' is to be found in the explanation of the fourth commandment, where the author asserts the abrogation of the Sabbath. In Calvin's view, this ordinance was a mere type of better blessings, and, with the types and ceremonies of the old dispensation, was done away by the introduction of a new and better dispensation. In this opinion there can be no doubt that he greatly erred and so universal is the conviction of the Church on the perpetual obligation of the Sabbath as a moral institution, that no danger is to be apprehended from a contrary view, even under the sanction of so great a name as that of Calvin. In justice to his opinion on this subject, however, it should be stated, that he distinctly recognized not only the propriety but the necessity of a consecration of stated days for public religious service, without which regulation, he declares that 'it is so far from being possible to preserve order and decorum, that if it were abolished, the Church would be in imminent danger of immediate convulsion and ruin.' It is much to be lamented that so great a mind should have been led astray on so important a point by attempting to avoid an opposite extreme" (Vol. I, p. 4; 6th American Ed.).
    But if, as the Lutherans maintain, there is in the New Testament no divinely appointed day of rest or worship why then do we observe Sunday? The Lutherans answer: "It is man's duty to worship, to honor, to praise his Maker. In the New Testament the law fixing particular days has been revoked, and only the command to worship God remains. Neither can man worship God as he pleases, but God has told us how to worship Him. His Word shall be preached. The Sacraments are to be administered. Public prayer and praise shall be in vogue. If this is to be done, it is evident that a certain time and place must be fixed for public worship. While in the Old Testament God prescribed time and place of public worship, He has in the New Testament left these details entirely to the discretion and the choice of His people. And so from the early times of the apostles the Christians have chosen Sunday, the day of Christ's resurrection, as the day which they would use for public worship" (Concordia Encyclopedia, p. 671).

11. The means of Grace

    The means of grace are the Word of God and the sacraments.
(a) The Word of God.
    According to Zwingli the Word of God is not a means of grace. He severed the influence of the Holy Spirit from "the instrument" of the word and held that the Holy Spirit operates immediately upon man's heart. He distinguished sharply between the external and internal word; only the latter, he said, is efficacious (Fid. rat., N. 21).
    Calvin goes further than Zwingli in that--in the case of the elect--he holds to a real divine energy connected with the word. He says that "our ignorance, slothfulness, and the vanity of our minds require external aids, in order to the production of faith in our hearts, and its increase"; and "God has provided such aids in compassion to our infirmity" (Inst., IV, I, I). But from this it must not be concluded that this "prescribes a perpetual rule for God, precluding his employment of any other method; which he has certainly employed in the calling of many, to whom he has given the true knowledge of himself in an internal manner, by the illumination of his Spirit without the intervention of any preaching" (ib. 16, 18). In the same way "infants are regenerated by the power of God which is as easy to him as it is wonderful and mysterious to us" (ib. 18).
    Why should not God, since he can produce faith in the elect and save them without external means, save also heathen who never heard the word of God? Calvin did not draw this inference. Zwingli, however, (ut supra) maintained that the elect are not confined to the number of those who attain faith before they die, but unbaptized children and even pious heathen are among the elect and accordingly will be saved. (Regarding the operation of the Holy Spirit aside from the means of grace see also O 7. Man's Conversion, p. 218).
(b) The Sacraments.
    For the same reason that the Holy Spirit is said to operate immediately upon man's heart, Zwingli attaches also very little significance to the sacraments. They are mere symbols of no sacramental significance but only of a mere obligatory sacrificial character. The sacraments are rites which rather impose obligations on the recipient than confer benefits. On the one hand, they remind the believer in a symbolic form of salvation and its blessings; on the other hand they are a means by which he testifies his membership in the church. "I believe, yea, I know that all sacraments are so far from conferring grace, that they do not even offer or distribute it." They are "outward testimonies of the grace which is already present in the individual" (Fid. rat. N., 24, 25). His rationalism would not permit Zwingli to accept a mystery that did not appeal to his reason.
    According to Calvin a sacrament is something more than significative. He defines it as an outward sign (extremum symbolum) by which God seals the promises of his grace to our consciences and we in turn testify our piety toward him (Inst., IV, 14, I). But "the sacraments produce the effect, which they represent, in the elect alone"; for the unbelieving they are merely signs without contents (ib. 15). In order to be efficacious the Spirit-- "this inner teacher who inwardly opens, moves, and enlightens the heart"-must follow the sacraments (ib. 7; see also Cons. T., XVI).
    As this view of the sacraments certainly minimizes their significance as means of grace, so also does the Reformed idea that the Old Testament sacraments, circumcision and the passover, were the same in essence with the sacraments of the New Testament. "The sacraments of the Old Testament, in regard of the spiritual things thereby signified and exhibited, were, for substance, the same with those of the New" (W. C., XXVII, 5). They differ from each other so far as outward signs, "ceremonies," and "duration" are concerned, "but they all agree in the following particulars: Both have God for their Author, both signify the same thing, namely, Christ with his benefits, hence the ancients are said to have "eaten the same meat, and drunk the same drink"; (I Cor.10:31, 4); both were to be received in the same way, namely, by faith; both have the same word of command and promise, though not the same expressions; and, lastly, both had the same effect" (P., 410).
(c) Baptism.
    Zwingli saw in baptism merely an introductory symbol of obligatory character; hence infant baptism is necessary. At first, Zwingli was not in favor of infant baptism. But when the Anabaptists began to establish churches of the regenerates and made pedo-baptism a prominent object of their assaults, he insisted upon baptism as an obligatory symbol, the rite of initiation of the new dispensation as circumcision was of the old.
    According to Calvin baptism is a seal of a covenant "like some sealed diploma." It signifies for the elect the beginning of the development of the "new life" in the church. It testifies to us forgiveness of sin, not only for the past alone, but also for the future. It serves both for the confirmation of faith and a confession before men (Inst., IV, 15, I-6). It signifies, testifies; but nowhere does Calvin say: baptism bestows, or gives the new life, or forgiveness of sin.
    Unbaptized children are not "deprived of the grace of regeneration." Hence even in case of necessity "it is not right for private persons to take upon themselves the administration of baptism ...this is a part of the public ministry of the church" (ib. 20).
    Baptism is necessary for all Christians because commanded by Christ, but it is not necessary for salvation. "Although it be a great sin to contemn or neglect this ordinance, yet grace and salvation are not so inseparably annexed unto it, as that no person can be regenerated or saved without it, or that all that are baptized are undoubtedly regenerated" (W. C., XXVIII, 5). The doctrine that "baptism is necessary to salvation" is styled by Calvin as an "ill-stated notion from which resulted mischievous consequences" (ib.). "Infants are not excluded from the kingdom of heaven, who happen to die before they have had the privilege of baptism." The fulfillment of God's promise "depends not on baptism, or on any thing adventitious." Children of believers are said to be born in covenant relation. "The sacrament is afterwards added as a seal, not to give efficacy to the promise of God, as if it wanted validity in itself, but only to confirm it to us" (ib. 22). "We condemn the Anabaptists who hold that newborn children of believers should not be baptized. For according to the doctrine of the gospel theirs is the kingdom of God, and they are in God's covenant; why should the sign of God's covenant not be given to them? Why should they not be initiated through holy baptism since they are God's possession and in his church!" (II Helv., XX; see also H. C., q. 74).
    The confessions all agree with Calvin in this that baptism does not give but only exhibits the promised grace; that forgiveness is not conferred by baptism, but by the Holy Spirit, that baptism is not, as Scripture calls it, the washing of regeneration, or the washing away of sins. "The efficacy of baptism is not tied to that moment of time wherein it is administered; yet, notwithstanding, by the right use of this ordinance the grace promised is not only offered, but really exhibited and conferred by the Holy Ghost, to such (whether of age or infants) as that grace belongeth unto, according to the counsel of God's own will, in his appointed time" (W. C., XVIII, 6). "Is, then, the outward washing of water itself the washing away of sins? No; for only the blood of Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit cleanse us from all sin. Why, then, does the Holy Ghost call baptism the washing of regeneration and the washing away of sins? God speaks thus not without great cause: namely, not only to teach us thereby that like as the filthiness of the body is taken away by water, so our sins also are taken away by the blood and Spirit of Christ; but much more, that by this divine pledge and token he may assure us that we are as really washed from our sins spiritually as our bodies are washed with water" (H. C., q. 72 and 73). The mode of baptism, whether immersion, or sprinkling, or pouring "is of no importance; churches ought to be left at liberty, in this respect, according to the difference of countries" (Inst. IV, 15, 19). "Dipping of the person into the water is not necessary; but baptism is rightly administered by pouring or sprinkling water upon the person" (W. C., XXVIII, 3). The Second Helvetic Confession, however, teaches that "the most perfect mode of baptism is that after which Christ was baptized" (XX, 5).
(d) The Lord's Supper.
    In keeping with his conception of a sacrament Zwingli considered the Lord's Supper (I) as a memorial celebration reminding us of our redemption through the death of Christ and (z) as a feast of confession and thanksgiving. He interpreted the in the words of the institution as equivalent to "signifies" or "symbolizes." Bread and wine signify the body and blood. There is only a spiritual eating in the Supper. Faith in the sacrifice of Christ which is confessed by the congregation is really the eating of Christ's body; this is in keeping with John 6: 63 f., "the flesh profiteth nothing." The real body of Christ being in heaven cannot be in a number of different places on earth (Fid. rat. N. 26; Fid. expos. N. 47 ff.).
    Calvin was opposed to the view that eating the flesh of Christ and drinking his blood means only that Christ is received by faith. He maintained a real presence of Christ in the Lord's Supper. Calvin calls the object received in the Lord's Supper the substance of the sacrament. "What I call the matter or substance, is Christ, with his death and resurrection.... If it be true that the visible sign is given to us to seal the donation of the invisible substance we ought to entertain a confident assurance, that in receiving the symbol of his body, we at the same time truly receive the body itself" (Inst. IV, 17, 10). "In the mystery of the Supper, under the symbols of bread and wine, Christ is truly exhibited to us, even his body and blood, in which he has fulfilled all obedience to procure our justification. And the design of this exhibition is, first, that we may be united into one body with him, and, secondly, that being made partakers of his substance we may experience his power in the communication of all blessings (ib. 11).
    It is true, in his conception of the Lord's Supper Calvin stands nearer to Luther than to Zwingli, and yet his view of the Lord's Supper differs widely from that of Luther. Luther held to a real bodily presence. Calvin styles that a "preposterous error." "Christ's body is finite, according to the invariable condition of a human body, and is contained in heaven, where it was once received, till it shall return to judgment; so we esteem it utterly unlawful to bring it back under these corruptible elements, or to imagine it to be present everywhere" (ib. 12).
    What, then, do the Reformed mean by "receiving the true body and blood of Christ?" They do not mean the body but all the blessings which Christ offers in his body. Calvin denied any bodily presence of Christ and maintained only Christ's spiritual influence, his power and efficacy as Redeemer. Accordingly the body and blood of Christ are taken with the bread and wine not orally by mouth, as Luther held, but only spiritually by faith. " ...we also do as certainly receive by faith (which is the hand and mouth of our soul) the true body and blood of Christ our only Savior in our souls, for the support of our spiritual life" (C. B., XXXV). Bread and wine are signs, which "represent to us the invisible nourishment which we receive from the body and blood of Christ.... And because this mystery of the secret union of Christ with believers is incomprehensible by nature, he exhibits a figure and image of it in visible signs ...and ...by giving tokens and pledges, renders it equally as certain to us as if we beheld it with our eyes" (Inst. ib. I).
    Calvin explains the words of the institution metonymically, in the sense that the sign is used for the thing signified and thus refuses to take on faith what the Scriptures plainly teach. Someone has rightly said: "The Roman Catholic Church must see the presence of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament; the Lutheran Church believes it; the Reformed Church must understand it." The Reformed Church takes the "is" of the words of the institution as symbolical; the Catholic Church, as real; the Lutheran Church as synecdochical, i. e., we receive, with the earthly element, the body of Christ. "Lutheranism sees the supernatural in the natural, Calvinism above the natural, Romanism without the natural" (Schaff, Creeds, I, 217). According to the Reformed view the communicants actually receive only bread and wine. According to the Catholic view they receive only the real body of Christ. According to the Lutheran view they receive both, bread and wine, and the true body and blood of Christ.
    Calvin also held that only the believer, i. e., the elect, through faith receives spiritually the body and blood of Christ in the Supper, while the unbeliever receives mere bread and wine. Consequently Calvin rejected Luther's doctrine of the manducatio indignorum, i. e., that also the unworthy and unbelievers receive the true body and blood of Christ (see also W. C., XXIX, 7, 8). "The ungodly indeed receives the sacrament to his condemnation, but he does not receive the truth of the sacrament. As Judas and Simon the sorcerer both, indeed, received the sacrament, but not Christ, who was signified by it, of whom believers only are made partakers" (C. B., XXXV).
    But if the body of Christ is "contained in heaven" how is "the secret union of Christ with the believer" in the Lord's Supper possible? Calvin answers: "Not by the exhibition of a vain or uneffectual sign, but by the exertion of the energy of his Spirit" (Inst., ib. 10). "He feeds them with his own body, of which he gives them a participation by the influence of his Spirit" (ib. 18). Christ being at the right hand of God in heaven, does not descend to earth, but believers by the power of the Holy Spirit are raised to communion with him in heaven (ib. 36), or Christ by the power of his Spirit and the outward symbol descends to us (ib. 24). In Calvin's liturgy (in his La manière de celebrer la cène) the ancient Sursum corda is paraphrased: "Let us lift up our hearts and minds thither where Jesus Christ is in the glory of his Father." (See also Form of the administration of the Lord's Supper of Dutch Reformed Church). This spiritual union of Christ with the believer is, of course, not confined to the Lord's Supper, but takes place whenever faith is exercised.
    Not the Zwinglian but the Calvinistic view of the Lord's Supper became the dominant one in the Reformed Church. The First Helvetic Confession, Art. XXII, and the First Confession of Basle, Art. VI, present the Zwinglian type of doctrine. The Gallican Confession, which was drawn up under the influence of Calvin, exactly presents Calvin's conception of the Lord's Supper. "Thus all who bring pure faith, like a vessel, to the sacred table of Christ, receive truly that of which it is a sign; for  the body and blood of Jesus Christ give food and drink to the soul, no less than bread and wine nourish the body" (C. G., 37). The Shorter Catechism defines the Lord's Supper as "a sacrament, wherein, by giving and receiving bread and wine, according to Christ's appointment, his death is showed forth, and the worthy receivers are, not after a corporal and carnal manner, but by faith, made partakers of his body and blood, with all his benefits, to their spiritual nourishment and growth in grace" (q. 96) (see also W. C., XXIX, I, 5). The Heidelberg Catechism seems to approach the Lutheran view when it says (q. 79) that "Christ by his visible sign and pledge" wants "to assure us that we are as really partakers of his true body and blood," but it makes it at once clear that it does not present Luther's but Calvin's view when it adds: "through the working of the Holy Ghost, as we receive by the mouth of the body these holy tokens in remembrance of him."
    To the Reformed the celebration of the Lord's Supper is also a public profession of faith in Christ's sacrifice. In attending the Lord's Supper the communicants "publicly declare their acceptance of Christ as Savior and Master" (B., 276). Hence it is essentially "a communion, in which the fellowship of believers with Christ and with one another is set forth." It should therefore "be held in the gathering of believers. In particular cases, however, some Reformed teachers held it may be administered in private homes for the benefit of believers long confined by sickness provided the officers and some members of the church be present to preserve the true character of the ordinance as a communion" (B., 279). The Reformed Church rather discourages private communion, while the Lutheran Church freely allows it.
    Since the Lord's Supper is chiefly of symbolical significance the breaking of the bread is essential in the Supper; it symbolizes the rending of Christ's body on the cross. But as far as the bread is concerned the Reformed "believe that the common bread of daily life best fulfills the requirements of the symbols. Because unleavened bread was the only kind at hand in the passover Jesus used this in instituting the Supper, but that did not mean that we also must use this as the Romish and Lutheran Churches hold. The wine used was fermented juice of the grape" (B. 275). In order to guard against partaking of the Supper in an unworthy manner, self-examination for the Supper is necessary. The point with which self-examination must concern itself "is this: whether we are in the right frame of mind to proclaim the death of the Lord" (H., 225).

12. Eschatoulgy

    The Lutheran and Reformed confessions are in agreement so far as the doctrine of the last things are concerned. Like the Augsburg Confession, Art. XVII, so does the Second Helvetic Confession reject the apocatastasis and chiliasm of the Anabaptists (XI, 14) and teaches that the second coming of Christ will be to judge the quick and the dead (ib. 13).

13. The Various Calvinistic Churches as Represented Partiularly in America

    Initiated in Switzerland the Reformed faith passed over into the Palatinate, in the days of Frederick III. (1559-1576). From thence it extended northward into other German states. At the same time it gained ground in France, England, Scotland, Hungary, Bohemia and Poland. Later, emigration and colonization secured a still wider diffusion of the Reformed faith. As early as 1652 Dutch settlers transplanted it to South Africa. The collective membership of the various Dutch bodies in that country amounts to over half a million communicants. At a still earlier date Dutch emigrants had planted the Reformed Church upon the shores of the New World.
(I) The Reformed Church in America.
    Rev. Jonas Michaelius organized the first congregation according to the Reformed discipline in New Amsterdam, in 1628. As immigrants settled along the Hudson, on Long Island, and in New Jersey, other congregations were gathered and churches erected, some of which are still standing after more than two centuries. This branch of the Reformed Church being one in denominational polity and doctrinal type with the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church of the Netherlands bore the title, "The Reformed Protestant Dutch Church in North America" until 1867, when the present name, "The Reformed Church in America" was adopted. Its recognized theological standards are, besides the ecumenical creeds, the Belgic Confession, the Heidelberg Catechism, and the Decrees of the Synod of Dort. In polity it is Presbyterian, only instead of the sessions, presbyteries, synods and general assemblies of the Presbyterians it has consistories, classes, provincial synods and general synods. Statistics for 1926: 717 churches with 153,739 members.
(2) The Reformed Church in the United States.
    In the early part of the 18th century German immigrants from the Palatinate and other parts of western Germany and also from Switzerland planted the German Reformed Church in the United States. Until 1792 it had been under the control of the Reformed Church of the Netherlands. In the following year the Reformed German Church became an entirely independent body and adopted as its standard only the German Creed, the Heidelberg Catechism. In 1869 it dropped the word "German" from its title. The Reformed Church in the United States is, like the Reformed (Dutch) Church, Calvinistic in its doctrine and presbyterian in polity. Statistics for 1926: 1,709 churches with 361,257 members.
    (3) The Christian Reformed Church is a branch of an organization of the same name in Holland, formed by a secession in 1835 from the Reformed Church of Holland. In this country the denomination increased considerably in 1882, when it received an accession of half a dozen Michigan congregations which had split off from the Reformed Church in America because of the refusal of its general synod to condemn freemasonry. In 1890, the True Reformed Dutch Church, located in New Jersey and New York (formed by the secession of five suspended ministers from the Reformed Dutch Church, in 1822, giving as their reasons "errors in doctrine and looseness of discipline"), also united with the Christian Reformed Church. Its creeds are the Belgic Confession, the Heidelberg Catechism, and the Canons of Dort. In polity it is strictly presbyterian. Statistics for 1926: 245 churches with total membership of 98,534.
    (4) The Hungarian Reformed Church in America was organized in New York City in 1904. Since 1916 this church has ceased to exist under this name. The constituency of the newly organized Free Magyar Reformed Church in America is made up to a large degree from that of the Hungarian Reformed Church in America. The Magyar Church was reported in 1926 with 11 churches and 3,992 members.
(5) The Presbyterians.
    "Presbyterianism" designates, on the one hand, that form of church government in which presbyters or elders occupy a prominent place; on the other hand, it has come to have a doctrinal as well as an ecclesiastical significance, thus designating the doctrinal, ethical, governmental and liturgical principles and regulations of the Presbyterian churches.
    The real presbyterial idea was worked out by Calvin whose teachings also form the basis of the doctrinal standards of nearly all Presbyterian bodies; hence the words "Calvinistic" and "Presbyterian" are to a large extent synonymous.
    Next to Calvin, John Knox is the chief founder of the Presbyterian polity. While an exile from his native land under Mary the Bloody (1553-58) he came also to Geneva where he found "the most perfect school of Christ that ever was since the days of the apostles." He became a close friend and disciple of Calvin though four years older than the great Reformer. Through Knox influence the Protestant Church in his native land finally won a complete victory. The new Confession of Faith (see p. 199) and the First Book of Discipline drawn up by Knox and five other ministers were adopted and the Reformed Kirk established by the free Parliament of 1560.
    The fundamental principles of Presbyterianism are the absolute sovereignty of God and the supreme authority of his holy word. Upon this basis rests the whole church, its faith and practice, worship, discipline and government. The Scriptures are not only the rule of faith, but also the rule of government and discipline of the church. Presbyterianism claims to be the form of ecclesiastical organization set forth in the New Testament. It holds a middle position between the episcopal and congregational systems. In contradistinction to the national church of England in which there are three major orders of clergy--bishops, priests and deacons,--the Presbyterian Church holds that all clergymen are peers one of another, and that church authority is vested not in individuals but in representative bodies. In every well-organized congregation there are three classes of officers--the pastor or teaching elder, the ruling elders who, with the pastor, have the spiritual oversight of the church, and the deacons who administer the benevolences of the church and, in some churches, also the financial affairs.
    In opposition to Congregational independency Presbyterianism asserts the lawful authority of the larger church. The primary governing body is the church session which consists of the pastor as presiding officer and the ruling elders; it supervises the spiritual affairs of the congregation. The deacons are responsible to the session. Pastor, elders and deacons are chosen by the congregation, but the election of the pastor, in contrast with Congregationalism, is subject to the approval of the presbytery. The church session is under the authority of the next higher court, the presbytery, in which all congregations within a limited territory are represented, each by its pastor and an elder. The presbyteries are united in a larger governing body called the synod; while the supreme court of Presbyterianism is the general assembly which meets annually and to which all the presbyteries in the church send representatives. The Encyclopaedia Britannica, IIth ed., vol. 22, p. 183, illustrates the intermediate position of Presbyterianism between episcopacy and Congregationalism by the following striking comparison:
    "In episcopacy the supreme authority is a diocesan bishop; in~cotlgregationalism it is the members of the congregation assembled in the church meeting; in Presbyterianism it is a church council composed of representative presbyters. In episcopacy the control of the church affairs is almost entirely withdrawn from the people; in congregationalism it is almost entirely exercised by the people; in Presbyterianism it rests with a Council composed of duly appointed office-bearers chosen by the people. The ecclesiastical unit in episcopacy is a diocese, comprising many churches and ruled by a prelate; in congregationalism it is a single church self-governed and entirely independent of all others; in Presbyterianism it is a presbytery or council composed of ministers and elders representing all the churches within a specified district. It may be said broadly, therefore, that in episcopacy the government is monarchical; in congregationalism, democratic; and in Presbyterianism, aristocratic or representative."
    The Alliance of the Reformed Churches throughout the World holding the Presbyterian System, organized in 1875, popularly but incorrectly called Pan-Presbyterian Alliance, consists of a purely voluntary association of the Presbyterian bodies. Its object is not to form one great Presbyterian organization, but to promote unity and fellowship among the numerous Presbyterian churches throughout the world. The Alliance is merely advisory, exercising neither legislative nor judicial function.
    Following is a list of the various Presbyterian bodies and their distinctive characteristics (A) in the British Empire and Colonies and (B) in the United States.
    A. In Scotland there are at present two chief branches of Presbyterianism. The Church of Scotland, numerically the largest church in Scotland--it has a membership of 756,000-commonly known as the Established Church, was organized in 1560 and legally established in 1592 by the Scottish Parliament. The United Free Church of Scotland was formed on October 31, 1900, by the union of the Free Church and the United Presbyterian Church. It numbers 435,000 communicants. The Established Church and the United Free Church are practically one on questions of doctrine, but differ on the relation between church and state.
    Presbyterianism in England traces its historical origin to the strong Presbyterian element in English Puritanism. It manifested itself in the famous Westminster Assembly, 1643. In 1686 it was by act of Parliament denied civil and religious rights. From that time on until the middle of the 19th century it had only a feeble existence. In 1876, the English congregations of the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland, which was well represented in Northumberland, Lancashire and London, united with the English Presbyterians to form the Presbyterian Church of England. It has a membership of 85,000. It has adopted twenty-four articles of faith which are in full accord with the Westminster Confession.
    The most conservative of the great Presbyterian churches of the United Kingdom is the Irish Presbyterian Church with a communicant membership of 150,000. Besides this body there are three small independent Presbyterian communities in Ireland, viz., the Reformed Presbyterian Church, the Eastern Reformed and the Secession Church.
    The Calvinistic Methodist Or Presbyterian Church of Wales, organized in 1743 under the influence of Whitefield, has been Calvinistic from its beginning. After 1748 its connection with England was gradually broken off. In 1864, the two synods, that of North Wales and that of South Wales, united in one general assembly. This Church maintains cordial fellowship with the Presbyterian Church of England. In this church every elder is a member of the presbytery. It has a communicant membership of over 187,000.
    In Canada Presbyterian congregations and synods were organized in various provinces but maintained a separate existence until by 1870 the numerous bodies had been reduced to four and, in 1875, June 15, in the city of Montreal, these four were united into one organization, the Presbyterian Church of Canada.4 It has over 90,000 communicant members.
    There are also Presbyterian Churches in all of the other British possessions and colonies, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Jamaica, etc.
B. There are ten Presbyterian bodies in the United States.
I. The Presbyterian Church in the United States of America.
    Presbyterianism was planted on the virgin soil of America chiefly by English Puritans and Scotch and Irish immigrants in the first half of the 17th century. Long before the Declaration of Independence there were Presbyterian churches established in Virginia, New England, Maryland and Delaware. The first presbytery, the oldest in America, was organized in Philadelphia, in 1706, and the first synod, composed of four presbyteries, was formed in 1716. The synod of Philadelphia, in 17"9, adopted the Westminster Confession "as being, in all the essential and necessary articles, good forms of sound words, and systems of Christian doctrine." This so-called "adopting act" allowed scruples as to "articles not essential and necessary in doctrine, worship and government." In the same year the church gave also definite ecclesiastical form to the distinctive American doctrine of the independence of the church from control by the state by denying to the civil magistrate power over the church, and also the power "to persecute any for religion."
    Two parties had developed with the growth of the church. The stricter party, known as "Old Side," insisted on full and unreserved subscription to the confessions. The liberal party, known as "New Side," contended for a free interpretation of the standards. In 1758 the two bodies were united as the Synod of New York and Pennsylvania upon the basis of the Westminister standards pure and simple.
    After the Revolutionary War, in 1788, the united synod decided to organize a general assembly with four synods. It revised and adopted the Westminster Confession of Faith, together with the Larger and Shorter Catechisms, and also a Form of Government, a Book of Discipline and a Directory of Worship, as the constitution of the church. In the following year the first meeting of the General Assembly was held in Philadelphia. (Regarding the so-called Cumberland separation which took place in 1806, see Cumberland Presb. Church, p. 246.)
    In 1837 the Presbyterian Church was again divided into "Old School" and "New School" which terms are not in any manner equivalent to the terms "Old Side" and "New Side" in use a century before. The division resulted from contention respecting the plan of union formed in 1801 between the General Assembly and the Congregational associations of New England. The plan agreed upon allowed the interchange of Presbyterian and Congregational ministers and the formation of churches composed of members of both denominations. The Old School opposed the continuance of the union plan; the New School, under the influence of the New England Theology, favored it. The controversy involved also doctrinal differences between general atonement and atonement for the elect only, between mediate imputation and immediate imputation, and differences concerning creed subscription, polity and discipline. In 1869 the two assemblies agreed to a reunion which was
consummated in the same year at Pittsburgh, Pa., on "the doctrinal and ecclesiastical basis of our common standards."
    At the outbreak of the Civil War, in 1861, the Southern Presbyterian Churches separated from the churches in the North. [See Presb. Church (Southern), p. 248.] Since the reunion in 1869 the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America has made steady progress along all lines. It is the largest body of the denomination. In 1926 it had a communicant membership of1,909,111. The Assembly of 1902, held at New York City, adopted a brief statement of the Reformed Faith as an aid to the interpretation of the Westminster Confession, and on the love of God for all men, mission, and the Holy Spirit.
2. The Cumberland Presbyterian Church.
    This body arose in circumstances connected with the revival which began among the churches of the Transylvania Presbytery in Kentucky in the closing years of the 18th century. The revival grew rapidly so that the demand for ministers became greater than the supply. The anti-revival party objected to the ordination, by the Cumberland Presbytery, of men who had not had the usual academic and theological training and, besides were permitted, if they so desired, to express their dissent from the teaching of the Westminster Confession as to "the idea of fatality," i. e., the doctrine of absolute decrees. The synod of Kentucky, of which the Cumberland Presbytery was a member, dissolved the Presbytery, in 1806, and the General Assembly confirmed the action of the synod, in 1809. The dissenters, however, organized an independent presbytery, the Cumberland Presbytery, in 1810. The new denomination grew rapidly. In 1813 it was divided into three presbyteries and in the same year a general synod was constituted. The synod revised the Westminster Confession and excluded "fatalism and infant damnation."
    The Cumberland Presbyterian Confession (accepted 1813, subjected to a final revision and adopted in 1829) departs from the Westminster Confession in rejecting unconditional election and reprobation, and affirming unlimited atonement and the salvation of all infants dying in infancy, and yet the Confession maintains the final perseverance of the saints. The Larger Catechism was omitted. The Shorter Catechism has been changed in the questions pertaining to God's eternal decrees. In doctrine the Cumberland Church represents the medium between Calvinistic and Arminian theology. In polity it is distinctively presbyterian.
    In 1906, the northern General Assembly and the Cumberland Church united on the basis of the doctrinal and ecclesiastical standards revised and adopted by the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America in 1902. At that time the Cumberland Church had about 200,000 members and about 1,600 Ordained ministers. A majority of the ministers and about one half of the members went into the other church. Those who remained in the Cumberland Church held to the same creed and the same polity as before. Statistics for 1926: 763 ministers, 65,876 members.
    3. The Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Colored, is a branch of the Cumberland Fresh. Church, organized in 1869, on a racial basis. It was constituted of colored ministers and members who had been connected with the Cumberland Church. It has the same doctrinal basis and polity as the parent church. In 1926 it had 135 ministers and a membership of12,000.
    4. The Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church, known also as the Welsh Presbyterian Church, is a branch of the body of the same name in Wales (see p. 244). Its doctrinal standards are the Forty-four Articles which correspond in general to the Westminster Confession of the Presbyterian Church and the Thirty-nine Articles of the Episcopal Church. "Eternal reprobation" is not mentioned in the articles. This church exists among the Welsh in 13 states of the republic. In its services the Welsh language is used. It has a membership of about 15,000.
    5. The United Presbyterian Church of North America does not derive its origin from the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland (see p. 244), though it was formed in a similar way and by similar elements. It was organized in Pittsburgh, Pa., in 1858. by a union of Scotch immigrants and their descendants who had belonged to the Secession Presbyterians and the Associate and the Reformed Presbyterians of Scotland. It adopted the Westminster standards modifying somewhat the chapter on the power of civil magistrates, and a "Judicial Testimony" consisting of 18 articles designed to set forth the views of the Church on "certain points not distinctly introduced into the Confession of Faith." Five of the 18 articles or declarations are special to this denomination: (I) slave holding is a violation of the law of God and contrary both to the letter and spirit of Christianity. (z) All secret and oath-bound societies are inconsistent with the genius and spirit of Christianity and forbidden to church members. (3) None are to be admitted to the sealing ordinances of the Church except such as give their assent to its doctrines. (4) Public social covenanting at special times is a moral duty. (5) It is the will of God that the songs contained in the Book of Psalms should be used in public service to the exclusion of the devotional compositions of uninspired men.
    In 1881 the General Assembly, by a very small majority, repealed the rule forbidding the use of instrumental music in public worship. Statistics for 1926: 901 churches and 171,571 members.
6. The Presbyterian Church in the United States (Southern).
    The action of the General Assembly (Old School), in 1861, led to the withdrawal from that Assembly of a number of synods within the bounds of the Southern Confederacy. In May 1861, the General Assembly (Old School), meeting in Philadelphia, asserted the loyalty of the church to the Union and promised the support of all its churches and ministers to the federal government. This resolution was bitterly opposed by the commissioners from the synods in the South, who felt that the church was transcending her sphere in pronouncing on a political question. Presbyteries in the seceding states generally coincided with this view, and "concluded that a separation from the General Assembly aforesaid was imperatively demanded. Not in the spirit of schism but for the sake of peace and for the protection of the liberty with which Christ had made them free." Accordingly the representatives of 11 synods and 47 presbyteries met in Augusta, Georgia., December 4, 1861, and constituted a General Assembly, under the name of the General Assembly of the Confederate States of America and adopted as their standards of doctrine the Westminster Confession of Faith and the Form of Government as held in the old Church. After the war, however, the name of the Church was changed to the Presbyterian Church in the United States.
    In 1864 the United Synod of the South, composed of the presbyteries and churches which had withdrawn from the New School Assembly in 1858, in consequence of some decided action taken with reference to slavery and emancipation, united with the Presbyterian Church in the United States. In 1869, the Synod of Kentucky and, in 1874, the Synod of Missouri which for the same reason had severed their connection with the Northern Assembly united with the Southern.
    The Presbyterian Church in the United States-commonly called the Southern Presbyterian Church as distinguished from the parent body, the Northern Church-disavows all connection with political matters and emphasizes its purely ecclesiastical mission. It also forbids women the public expounding of the Word of God, or other functions pertaining to an ordained minister. Several unsuccessful attempts have been made to bring about a union of the northern and southern churches. Statistics for 1926: 2,235 ministers, 462,177 total church membership.
    7. The Associate Synod of North America (Associate Presbyterian Church) is the continuance of those Associate and Reformed Presbyterian bodies which did not enter the union which resulted, in 1858, in the United Presbyterian Church (see p. 247). The Associate Presbyterians denounced slavery as immoral and excommunicated slaveholders from their communion alienating thereby their southern congregations. Statistics for 1926: II churches and 329 members.
    8. The Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church is the result of a secession from the Associate Reformed Synod of the South in 1821. The separation was on account of differences concerning the exercise of civil power, the use of Psalms alone as hymns and strictness in admission to the Lord's table. This body was reported in 1926 With 145 churches and 20,410 members.
    9. The Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of North America (Old Light) was organized in 1809. In 1825 a number of its ministers withdrew to join the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. In 1833 a division occurred resulting in two organizations. The one party to the division took the above name. It refused to allow its members to vote or hold office until there is "constitutional recognition of God, as the source of power, of Jesus Christ as the ruler of nations, of the Holy Spirit as the supreme rule, and of the true Christian religion." The members of this church do not take part in state or national elections; they neither vote nor hold office. This church was reported in 1926 with 89 churches and 7,166 members.
    10. The General Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church (New Light), the other party to the division of 1833, allows its members to decide for themselves as to participation in political affairs. It was reported in 1926 With 13 churches and 1,929 members.
    All Reformed Presbyterians (8, 9, 10) have in common the exclusive use of Psalms in singing and the opposition to secret societies.

14. The Waldenses and the Bohemian Brethren

A. The Waldelzses.
    The name Waldenses was given to a sect of dissenters from the Roman Catholic Church, which arose in southern France about 1170 and has survived to the present day. Conflicting views as to their origin were held both by friend and foe. According to Catholic writers the Waldenses date from the 12th century and took their name and doctrines from Pierre Valdo or Peter Waldo. Waldensian` historians have claimed for them an earlier origin than the end of the 12th century and attempted to show that they are a branch of the primitive church which has always been independent of the Roman Catholic Church since the time of Constantine. This claim, however, as modern criticism has shown, can no longer be sustained. Modern historians, such as Comba and others, see in the Waldensian movement the blending together or the fusion of several distinct reform movements of the 12th century brought about by four men who had much in common in their teaching but each of whom stressed one particular feature of Christian life. Pierre de Bruys or Petrus Brusius (d. about 1125), whose followers were known as Petrobrusians, insisted especially on simplicity and purity in the worship of God. Henry of Lausanne (d. after 1145), whose followers were called Henricians, emphasized the purity of life. Arnold of Brescia (executed at Rome, 1155) Maintained the independence of the church from the state and its spiritual mission; his followers were known as Arnoldists. Peter Waldo, a wealthy merchant of Lyon (d. before 1218) laid the stress on poverty; his followers called themselves "the poor men of Lyon," or simply "the poor." According to this theory of modern historians the name Waldenses indicates all heretics after the four movements had been blended together.
    The Waldensian movement was a practical protest against the worldliness of the church. The Waldenses made the profession of extreme poverty a prominent feature in their own lives. Well-versed in Scripture they emphasized by their practice the need of the much neglected task of preaching the gospel to the people in the city and rural districts, allowing women also to preach.
    Maintaining the supremacy of the Scripture over the traditions of men they rejected the papal hierarchy, purgatory, indulgences, prayers for the dead, worship of images, of saints, and of Mary, the mass and transubstantiation. They also refused to take oaths and considered the shedding of human blood as unlawful, and, consequently, condemned war and the infliction of death penalty.
    The distinctive doctrines held by the Waldenses before the Reformation period are set forth in the Waldensian Catechism Or "The Smaller Questions," written about 1489 (not later than 1500). It bears a striking resemblance to the Bohemian Catechism which appeared in print in 1521, Or 1522 (see p. 202).
    The Waldenses did not intend to separate from the church; on the contrary, they sought for the recognition of the church and the pope. But Pope Lucius III. (1184) answered with the ban of the church. They were formally condemned by the Lateran council of 1215. Henceforth the Waldensian society became a persecuted church. It suffered severely from the bloody Albigensian wars. Those who survived looked to the valleys as a place of refuge, especially the secluded valleys of Piedmont where they found brethren in the faith. At times attempts were made to suppress and exterminate the sect; yet, even during the period of their fiercest persecution a remnant of that venerable martyr church has maintained itself and continued to exist to the present day. It was at this time (1655) that Cromwell used his influence to stay the persecutions and threatened "to make the thunder of English canon resound in the castle of St. Angelo," and Milton wrote his sublime sonnet of protest:
"Avenge, O Lord, thy slaughtered saints, whose bones Lie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold."
    When the Reformation began in Germany and Switzerland the Waldenses were ready to sympathize with it. They communicated with the Reformed theologians, Oecolampadius, Bucer and others, and ultimately adapted their old beliefs to those of the Reformed Church. At a synod which met in the valley of Angrogne, in 1532, the tenets of the Swiss Reformation were adopted by a large majority. In their Brief Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches of Piedmont (1655), which is based on the Gallican Confession, the Waldenses adopted the doctrines of the Reformed churches of France, Great Britain, Holland, etc., as well as those of the altered Augsburg Confession. Accordingly they hold to the Reformed conception of the sacraments as signs and symbols. Calvin's doctrine of absolute predestination has received definite expression in their Brief Confession, in Art. IX. Art. XIV explains John 3: 16, "God so loved the world" as "those, whom he has chosen out of the world." Although Art. XXII denies that good works are meritorious, yet Art. XXI maintains that they are absolutely necessary to salvation, "so that believers cannot obtain the kingdom of heaven without them."
    After their emancipation in Italy (in 1848) the Waldenses have established missions in Italy5 and abroad, in Abyssinia, Madagascar, Basutoland and Barotseland, also flourishing agricultural settlements in Uruguay and Argentina with 8 organized churches and to settled groups with a total population of 7,000 people. Waldensian colonies have settled in the United States, at Wolfe Ridge, Texas; Valdese, N. C.; Monett, Mo.; Prove City, Utah; and Santa Ana, Calif. The headquarters of the Waldensian Church in the United States are in New York City, where there is also one Waldensian Church.
    The Waldensian Church is organized on the Presbyterian system.
B. The Bohemian Brethren
    The Bohemian Brethren were originally composed of remnants of the Hussites. When in 1433 the moderate Hussites, the Calixtines,--so called from their zeal for the chalice (calix) for the laity--came to terms with the Roman Catholic Church, the radical Hussites, the Taborites,--so called from the mountain which their leader Ziska fortified and called Mount Tabor--rejected all compromise with Rome and insisted on a thorough reformation. After their complete defeat in 1434 they ceased to exist as a party. But a remnant remained and continued to exist under the name Bohemian Brethren, or Unitas Fratrum. They were scattered throughout Bohemia; some of them emigrated to Moravia, Saxony and Poland. They dwelled in separate communities. They adhered to the rigid discipline of the Taborites and were known as Brothers of the Rule of Christ. Their enemies often confounded them with the Waldenses and Picards, while, on account of their being compelled during persecution to hide in caves and solitary places, they were called Grubenheimer, i. e., pit-dwellers.
    In opposition to the secularized church they insisted on the simplicity and spirituality of the church. They regarded the Bible as their only rule of faith and practice, using the Bohemian version of the Bible revised by Hus. They denounced the pope of Rome as Antichrist. Like the Waldenses they rejected all worldly amusements, oaths, military service and capital punishment. In 1467, at a synodical meeting at Lhota, they effected an independent organization with an independent priesthood seeking regular ordination from a Waldensian bishop, Stephen, who had been ordained by a Roman bishop in 1434. In this way the Brethren meant to retain an unbroken succession of the episcopate.
    At the beginning of the reformatory movement in Germany and Switzerland they conferred with the Wittenberg theologians but refused to join Luther because of the Lutheran doctrines, particularly of the Lord's Supper and of justification by faith alone and, like the Waldenses, ultimately passed in a body to the Reformed communion. (For confessions of the Bohemian Brethren see p. 202 f.)
    During the bloody drama of the Thirty-Years' War the Catholic Counter Reformation actually exterminated Protestantism in Bohemia. The exiled Bohemian Brethren, who had settled in Moravia from whence they emigrated in 1722, became the nucleus of the Moravian Church founded at Herrnhut (see p. 313). A scanty remnant of the Brethren congregations continued to exist even in Bohemia. In 1781 Emperor Joseph II. issued the Edict of Toleration "which granted religious freedom with some reservations to certain non-Catholic groups, the Lutherans and Calvinists, that is, the Augsburg and Helvetic Confession churches. All other sects, including the Bohemian Brethren were excluded. After the events of 1918 both confessions returned to the old confession of the Bohemian Brethren" (Keller and Stewart, Prot. Europe, p. 295). The Evangelical Church of Bohemia which was organized after the World War claims descent from the old Unitas Fratrum.

15. The Evangelical Synod of North America

    We shall conclude this chapter with a brief sketch of that large church body which holds a neutral position as to the doctrinal differences between the Lutheran and Reformed churches, namely the Evangelical Synod of North America, before 1920 known as the German Evangelical Synod. This body was formed by a union of Lutheran and Reformed churches, effected in 1840, at Gravois Settlement, Mo., and by subsequent similar unions of organizations, including the united Evangelical Synod of North America, the German Evangelical Society of Ohio, the United Evangelical Society of the East, and others, which consolidated in 1877.
    The Evangelical Synod represents in this country the old state church of Prussia,6 which is a union of the Lutheran and Reformed churches (see p. 136). "Union here means neither fusion of the Lutheran and Reformed churches nor absorption of one by the other, but means the two confessions existing side by side, coördinated and united" (Keller and Stewart, Protestant Europe, p. 209). Accordingly the Church of the Old Prussian Union recognizes the Augsburg Confession, the Apology, the Smalcald Articles, and the Small and Large Catechisms in the Lutheran, and the Heidelberg Catechism in the Reformed communities. The Evangelical Synod of North America, however, accepts both Lutheran and Reformed Confessions as far as these symbols are in agreement and, where they are not, Scripture passages cited in support of the conflicting statements may receive either the Lutheran or the Reformed interpretation (see 2 of the Constitution of 1877). There were in the United States in 1926, 1,287 churches of the Evangelical Synod of North America, with 314,418 members.

M. J. Bosma, Exposition of Reformed Doctrine, 4th ed., Grand Rapids, Mich., 1927.
C. A. Briggs, Theological Symbolics, New York, 1914, Part II, ch. IV, VI, VII, VIII.
John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion.
W. Cunningham, The Reformers and the Theology of the Reformation, Edinburgh, 1862.
Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., vol. 7, Creeds, p. 398 f.
J. I. Good, The Heidelberg Catechism in Its Newest Light, Philadelphia, 1914.
W. Hastie, Theology of the Reformed Church in Its Fundamental Principles, New York, 1904.
W. Heyns, Manual of Reformed Doctrine, Grand Rapids, Mich., 1926.
Charles Hedge, Systematic Theology, New York, 1873, 3 vols.
idem, Discussions in Church Polity, New York, 1879.
A. A. Hedge, Commentary on the Confession of Faith, Philadelphia, 1869.
E H. Klotsche, Hist. of Doctrines, Burlington, Iowa, 1927, gd period, II, VI, VII.
E. F. Karl Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der ref. Kirche, Leipzig, 1903.
H. A. Niemeyer, Collectio Confessionum in Ecclesiis Reformatis, Leipzig, 1840.
G. F. Oehler, Lehrbuch der Symbolik, Stuttgart, 1891.
B. Pictet, Christian Theology, transl. from the Latin by Fr. Reyroux, publ. by Presb. Board of Publ., Philadelphia.
Schaff, Creeds, vol. I, pp. 354 ff, vol. III, part II.
R Seeberg, Hist. of Doctrines, Engl. transl. by Charles E. Hay, vol. II, PP. 3o6-33I; 390-425.
Wilh. Walther, Lehrbuch der Symbolik, Leipzig, 1924, Book III.
History :
American Church History Series, Vol. VIIL, The Dutch and German Reformed Churches.
M. d'Aubigné, Hist. de la réformation, 5 vols., Paris, 1835-53 (in Engl. translation in many editions).
idem, Hist. de la réformation au temps de Calvin (the two in Engl.
translation in 13 vols., New York, 1879).
D. D. Demarest, The Reformed Church in America, New York, 1889.
G. P. Fisher, Hist. of the Reformation, New York, 1906.
D. Hay Fleming, The Reformation in Scotland, London, 1910.
J. A. Froude, Calvinism, London, 1871.
J. I. Good, The Historical Handbook of the Reformed Church, 3d ed., Philadelphia, 1915.
M. G. Hansen, The Reformed Church in the Netherlands, New York, 1884.
Charles M. Jacobs, The Story of the Church, Philadelphia, 1925, ch. XVIII, XXI, XXII, XXIII.
T. M. Lindsay, Hist. of the Reformation, 2 vols., New York, 1906, 1909.
J. N. Ogilvie, Presbyterian Churches of Christendom, London, 1925.
L. Pullen, Religion since the Reformation, Oxford, 1924, Lectures II, III, V, VI.
Christian Symbolics
R C. Reed, Hist. of the Presbyterian Churches of the World, Philadelphia, 1905.
M. J. Spalding (Rom. Cath.) Hist. of the Prot. Reformation, Baltimore, 1875.
J. V. Stephens, The Presbyterian Churches, Divisions, and Union in Scotland, Ireland, Canada and America, Philadelphia, 1910.
Preserved Smith, The Age of the Reformation.
R. E. Thompson, Hist. of the Presbyt. Churches in the U. S. (in American Church Hist. Series, vol. VI).
H. Wace, Principles of the Reformation, Practical and Historical, London, 1910.
Williston Walker, John Calvin, the Organizer of Reformed Protestantism (in Heroes of the Reformation Series), 1906.
idem, The Reformation, New York, 1900.
J. A. Wylie, The History of Protestantism, London, Paris, New York, 1874-77,3 vols.
E. Baines, A Visit to the Vaudois of Piedmont, London, 1855. A. Blair, Hist. of the Waldensians, Edinburgh, 1833.
A. Best, Hist. of the Bohemian and Moravian Brethren, London, 1863.
T. Gay, The Waldensians, Their Rise, Struggles, Persecutions and Triumphs, London, 1895.
J. Gibson, The Waldensians, Their Home and History, Edinburgh, 1903.
W. Jones, Hist. of the Waldenses, new ed., a vols., London, 1882.
Keller and Stewart, Protestant Europe. New York, 1927, Waldensians, p. 286 ff.; Bohemian Brethren, 293 ff.
V. Krasinsky, Religious History of the Slavonic Nations, Edinburgh, 1851.
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W. Sims, Hist. of the Waldensians from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, 3 vols., Edinburgh, 1839. E. D. Schweinitz, Hist. of the Ch. known as the Unitas Fratrum, Bethlehem, 1885.
1 Consult : W. Beveridge, Short Hist. oi the Westminster. Assembly, Edinburgh and New York,1904. W. W. Henry, The Westminster Assembly, New York, 1897. T. McCrie, Annals of English Presbytery, London, 1872. A. F. Mitchell, The Westminster Assembly, Its History and Standards, London, 1883. A. P. Stanley, Memorials of Westminster Abby, London, 1868. Return to The Westminster Confession.
2The italicized words are omitted in the editions of the standards oi the Christian Reformed Church and the Reformed Dutch Church. Return to What is sin?
3 "every one whose name hath not been written from the foundation of the world in the book of the Lamb that hath been slain," R. V. Return to Justification.
4 In 1915 the three Protestant bodies known as the Presbyterian Church of Canada, the Congregational Churches, and the Methodist Church formed the United Church of Canada each of the three bodies preserving Its vital elements without separate organization. Return to Canada Presbyterian.
5 The Waldensian theological seminary founded at Torre Pellice In 1855 was later removed to Rome. Return to The Waldensian Church.
6 The Old Prussian Union Church, which now, by law of the state of Prussia on April 8, 1924, enjoys full autonomy, numbers nearly 18,000,000 souls. Return to The Evangelical Synod of North America.
A. The Anglican Confession or the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England were a gradual formation. In the reign of Edward VI. Cranmer with the aid of Ridley had drawn up the Forty-two Articles of Religion for the English Reformed Church. They were revised by other bishops and laid before the synod of London in 1552 and published in 1553. It is, however, doubtful whether they ever received the official sanction of convocation. During the Catholic reaction under Mary the Bloody (1553-1558) the Articles were set aside, but under Elizabeth (1558-1603) they were revised in 1562 and reduced to 39 articles. They were adopted by two convocations in 1571, and the clergy were required to subscribe to them. Since then they have been the doctrinal symbol of the Church of England.
  It is a moderately Calvinistic creed. Art. XVII, of Predestination and Election, knows nothing of the decree of reprobation and speaks exclusively on predestination to life. Art. VI emphasizes the sole and supreme authority of the Scriptures. The Apocrypha may be read "for example of life and instruction of manners," but the Church "doth not apply them to establish any doctrine." Art. IX, of Original or Birth-sin, sees in original sin not the total loss of original righteousness but only a departure from it; "man is very far gone from original righteousness." Art. XI maintains the doctrine of justification by faith alone. Arts. XXII and XXXII denounce the doctrine of purgatory and celibacy. Concerning the sacraments (Arts. XXV, XXVIIXXIX) the creed follows the Swiss reformers, Bullinger and Calvin. Art. XXXI rejects the Romish doctrine of the sacrifice of the mass. The polity of the creed is that of a national episcopal church, the reigning sovereign being the supreme governor of the Church of England. The episcopal organization and the ritual of the Anglican Church were largely retained from the Roman Catholic Church. In 1628 a declaration issued by Charles I., in concert with Archbishop Laud, known as "His Majesty's Declaration," was prefixed to the Thirty-nine Articles prohibiting all controversies and dissensions (between Calvinists and Arminians, Puritans and High-Churchmen), restricting theological opinions to "the literal and grammatical sense" of the Articles and threatening to visit all offenders with severe penalties.
  Besides the Common Prayer Book, the Thirty-nine Articles and the Catechism, the Anglican Church regards also the First and Second Book of Homilies of '547 and 1562 respectively as doctrinalstandards. The first book has twelve homilies, five from Cranmer; the second has twenty-one, nine from Bishop Jewell. The Homilies were intended to be read from the pulpit, instead of sermons. They are declared in Art. XXXV of the Anglican Confession to contain sound doctrine. Return to Irish Articles of Religion.

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